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    The Trump Billionaires Who Run the Economy and the Things They Say

    “You have to laugh to keep from crying,” one Republican pollster said about recent comments by the billionaires on the stock market, retirement funds and Social Security.Sometimes the billionaires running the federal government sound like they’re talking to other billionaires.“THIS IS A GREAT TIME TO BUY!!!” President Trump wrote on social media last week, offering a stock tip that appeared aimed at the investor class rather than ordinary Americans watching their plummeting 401(k)s.Howard Lutnick, the secretary of commerce, has said his mother-in-law wouldn’t be worried if she didn’t get her monthly Social Security check. Elon Musk, who is slashing the Social Security Administration’s staff, has called it a “Ponzi scheme.” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has asserted that Americans aren’t looking at the “day-to-day fluctuations” in their retirement savings.And if automakers raise their prices because of Mr. Trump’s tariffs? “I couldn’t care less,” the president told Kristen Welker of NBC.Democrats say the comments show how clueless Mr. Trump and his friends are about the lives of most Americans, and that this is what happens when billionaires run the economy. Republicans counter that highlighting the quotes is unfair cherry picking, and that in the long run everyone will benefit from their policies, even if there’s pain now. Psychologists say that extreme wealth does change people and their views of those who have less.Whoever is right, it is safe to say that almost no one thinks the comments have been politically helpful for Mr. Trump, or calming for Americans.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

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    Trump tariffs bring furrowed brows to Ireland’s Botox town

    The peak of Croagh Patrick dominates the skyline of Westport, a pretty town on Ireland’s Atlantic coast. Dominating its economy, on the other hand, are the not-so-pretty windowless grey factory units that manufacture the world’s entire supply of Botox for a US company. And Donald Trump wants pharma production to move home.The US president this week stepped up his criticism of American companies’ Irish operations. His threats to impose tariffs to encourage investors to reshore are weighing on the 7,000 people of Westport: some 1,500 of them are employed by AbbVie to make the wrinkle-erasing drug.“People are holding their breath,” said Geraldine Horkan, chief executive of the Westport Chamber of Commerce, who worked at Allergan before its takeover by AbbVie in 2020. “It’s like an aeroplane circling in a holding pattern.”Ireland has become a major base for US pharma companies including Pfizer, Eli Lilly and Johnson & Johnson. Besides Botox — which leaves Westport as vials of powder to be mixed with saline solution before injection into celebrity foreheads or to treat cerebral palsy or muscle spasms — factories in Ireland churn out active ingredients for drugs including Viagra, weight-loss remedy Mounjaro and statins for high cholesterol. Geraldine Horkan: ‘People are holding their breath’ More

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    Donald Trump vs Mr Market

    .css-13hw3ep{margin-bottom:var(–o3-spacing-s);}.css-eh7lb7{margin:0;}Join FT EditOnly .css-79fz17{-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;}$49 a year.css-1h69zf4{margin:0;white-space:pre-wrap;font-family:var(–o3-type-body-base-font-family);font-weight:var(–o3-type-body-base-font-weight);font-size:var(–o3-type-body-base-font-size);line-height:var(–o3-type-body-base-line-height);color:var(–o3-color-use-case-support-inverse-text);}Get 2 months free with an annual subscription at was .css-lhfuqt{-webkit-text-decoration:line-through;text-decoration:line-through;}$59.88 now $49.
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    Trump Shifted on Tariffs After Bond Holders Got Jittery. He Held Millions Himself.

    As of August, the president’s investment portfolio showed significantly more in bonds than in stocks. It is unclear if his personal holdings had any bearing on his decisions regarding tariffs.When President Trump paused a punishing round of global tariffs last week, he attributed his change of heart to one main thing.“I was watching the bond market,” he said. “The bond market is very tricky.”Mr. Trump should know — he had a big personal stake in it.A New York Times analysis of Mr. Trump’s financial holdings shows that he had roughly $125 million to about $443 million invested in bonds as of last year, a range that far eclipsed his investment portfolio’s exposure to the stock market.Mr. Trump does own a huge stake in his publicly traded social media company, Trump Media & Technology Group, but he has said he has no plans to sell those shares, currently worth roughly $2 billion. The company’s stock, which he listed separately from his liquid stock and bond holdings on his latest financial disclosure, had already plunged about 40 percent this year before the new round of tariffs.Mr. Trump appeared unfazed when the tariffs sent the stock market into a tailspin, wiping out trillions of dollars in value in a matter of days.His nonchalance faded on April 9 after fears over the impact of Mr. Trump’s tariffs had spread to the government bond market, posing a potential existential threat to the global economy and signaling a weakening faith in U.S.-backed assets as a safe haven. Mr. Trump, whose own bond investments were also at risk, paused the most punitive of the import taxes for 90 days for all countries except China.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

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    Trump renews call for interest rate cut, says rates would be lower if Fed chief Powell ‘understood what he was doing’

    President Donald Trump said Friday that Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell should lower interest rates.
    “If we had a Fed Chairman that understood what he was doing, interest rates would be coming down too,” Trump said.

    U.S. President Donald Trump and U.S. Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell.
    Win McNamee | Annabelle Gordon | Reuters

    President Donald Trump on Friday lobbed his latest criticism at Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, as the White House’s discontent for the economic policy leader hits a fever pitch.
    During a Friday afternoon question-and-answer session with reporters, Trump pointed to examples of prices going down.

    “If we had a Fed Chairman that understood what he was doing, interest rates would be coming down, too,” Trump said. “He should bring them down.”
    Trump has long argued that the Fed, which sets monetary policy in the U.S., should cut down interest rates. His latest comments come as the White House has ratcheted up its attacks on Powell in recent days.
    White House economic adviser Kevin Hassett said Friday that Trump and his team are assessing whether they can remove the Fed chair. Powell has said previously that he cannot be fired under law and intends to serve through the end of his term as chair in May 2026.
    “The president and his team will continue to study that matter,” Hassett said at the White House after a reporter questioned if firing Powell “is an option in a way that it wasn’t before,” according to Reuters.
    Trump posted on Truth Social on Thursday that “Powell’s termination cannot come fast enough.” His post included the nickname of “Too Late” for Powell, a continuation of Trump’s habit of giving satirical titles to political rivals.

    His use of the word “termination” raised questions around if Trump was referring to Powell’s potential removal from his post ahead of schedule. Hassett said on Friday the administration will look at if there’s “new legal analysis” that would allow for Powell’s firing.
    Powell appeared to irk Trump after saying Wednesday that the president’s contentious tariff plan could drive up inflation in the near-term and create challenges for the central bank in managing goals of high employment rates and price stability. Powell said Trump’s levies — many of which are currently on pause — are “likely to move us further away from our goals.”
    “We may find ourselves in the challenging scenario in which our dual-mandate goals are in tension,” Powell said in prepared remarks before the Economic Club of Chicago. “If that were to occur, we would consider how far the economy is from each goal, and the potentially different time horizons over which those respective gaps would be anticipated to close.”
    Powell also said that the Fed was “well positioned to wait for greater clarity before considering any adjustments to our policy stance.”
    The Federal Open Market Committee has its borrowing rate currently targeted in a range between 4.25% and 4.5%, where it has sat since December. Fed funds futures are pricing in a more than 90% likelihood that the central bank holds rates steady again at its policy meeting next month, according to CME’s FedWatch tool.
    As Trump’s team has scaled up criticisms, some Democrats have gone on defense. Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., warned on Thursday that a president firing the Fed chief would be dire for U.S. financial markets.
    “Understand this: If Chairman Powell can be fired by the president of the United States, it will crash markets in the United States,” Warren said on CNBC. More

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    Meloni and Trump Oval Office Meeting Cements Special Rapport

    In Washington, President Trump inundated Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni of Italy with praise. She said he had accepted an invitation to go to Rome.For international leaders, visiting the White House these days is an unpredictable undertaking that comes with a risk of being embarrassed, or worse, berated, by President Trump. For Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni of Italy, Thursday’s meeting in the Oval Office was largely a smooth affair, with Mr. Trump covering her in hyperbolic praise and making clear he is fond of her.But beyond the friendly anti-immigration banter, and shared optimism that the European Union and the United States would reach a trade deal, neither leader indicated that they had made substantial progress on negotiations over tariffs and other issues.“We’re in no rush,” Mr. Trump said.Ms. Meloni was the first European leader to visit the White House since Mr. Trump imposed and then partly paused sweeping tariffs against the European Union. And the meeting dispelled any remaining doubts on the special relationship between the two leaders. But what the rapport could yield for Italy and for Europe remained unclear.“She was treated like a first-rank ally,” said Lorenzo Castellani, a political scientist at Luiss Guido Carli university in Rome, adding that it was unusual for Italy, which is not a military or economic powerhouse.“She became a de facto mediator,” he added, “but in concrete terms, she did not bring anything home.”The European countries’ trade policy is conducted collectively through the European Union, and Ms. Meloni made it clear that she could not look for a deal on behalf of the bloc. So perhaps her biggest achievement was having Mr. Trump accept her invitation to pay an official visit in the “near future” to Rome, where she hoped he would meet with European officials. If that happens, it could help cement her position as a conduit between Europe and the United States. For now, though, as she said, Mr. Trump had offered no guarantee that he would meet with European officials.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

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    Placate or retaliate? Starmer and Carney are both right on Trump

    Unlock the White House Watch newsletter for freeYour guide to what the 2024 US election means for Washington and the worldThe writer is an FT contributing editorCanada’s Mark Carney has picked up the gauntlet. Britain’s Keir Starmer prefers to look the other way. Japan and South Korea lead the queue to strike a bilateral deal. Atlanticist Germany declares Europe must go it alone. As much as America’s old friends are appalled by Donald Trump’s trashing of the liberal international order, they differ on how best to respond. We should beware of taking sides — the pugilists and pacifists both have a point.Kudos generally goes to those willing to stand up to “the bully”. Carney has transformed his Liberal party’s electoral prospects by relishing the fight. In Europe, Gaullism has gone mainstream. Emmanuel Macron’s call for Europe to break free of the Americans is echoed by chancellor-in-waiting Friedrich Merz in Berlin. Trump’s admirers on the populist right such as Nigel Farage have been destabilised.There are no plaudits for keeping quiet, Starmer has discovered. As guardian of Britain’s overhyped special relationship with the US, the prime minister has walked the fine line of separating opposition to Trump’s policies from any ad hominem attacks on the president. He has done so with some skill, working with Macron to create a new peacekeeping coalition to support Ukraine and returning post-Brexit Britain to the heart of conversations about European security. European support for Ukraine against Vladimir Putin’s aggression has put a brake, at least, on Trump’s eagerness to force Kyiv into submission.The tariffs-on, tariffs-off chaos in the White House during the past couple of weeks also suggests there is something to be said for Starmer’s holding back on trade retaliation. At some point, Trump’s policies may well collapse under the weight of their own contradictions. In time, the White House will learn that American consumers want to buy all those foreign imports. Avoiding the wrath of the White House in the meantime is not a bad strategy.Of course, the UK has more to lose than most from Trump’s bellicose unilateralism. Its armed forces are shaped almost entirely by the presumption that in any serious war it would be fighting alongside the Americans. It needs the US to keep its Trident nuclear missiles in service. Cut off by Brexit from its biggest market, it can scarcely afford a collapse in exports to the US.Japan and South Korea, also in the “tread quietly and make him an offer” camp, share a similar dependency spanning national security and economics. They shelter under the US nuclear umbrella. China’s ambitions for regional hegemony leave them vulnerable to the “might is right” approach to global affairs espoused by Trump. After all, if the US claims the right to run the western hemisphere, who is to say Xi Jinping should not impose China’s will on the western Pacific?None of this makes pandering to Trump look heroic, particularly when, with characteristic vulgarity, the president publicly mocks the softly spoken. Opinion polls suggest Europeans would prefer their leaders to join Carney in the ring. Appeasing Trump may simply encourage him. He clearly enjoys humiliating America’s old friends. The answer surely is to show him that Trumpism has costs. Didn’t we learn at school that the way to beat bullies is to fight back?There is something more to the different responses, though, than variations in national interests, tactical preferences or different political temperaments. As it happens, the conciliators and retaliators are both right. They are simply operating on different timescales. America’s allies must break their dependency on Washington. But they cannot do so too quickly.The Pax Americana has ended. Whatever happens next, the US has proved itself an unreliable ally in an ever more dangerous world. The other advanced democracies have no option but to build up defence capabilities and create new economic relationships. A radical de-risking of the relationship to set a course for what Macron calls strategic autonomy is imperative.It is also the work of generations. Economic and security dependence cannot be wished away overnight. In the short term, the priority must be to limit the inevitable pain. If the US plans to withdraw from its global responsibilities, erstwhile allies need time before they can take them on. Trump has shown he has no interest in a just outcome in Ukraine. But Europe has no interest in hastening the speed of the American withdrawal of all support for Kyiv. It will take decades for European nations to rebuild their own militaries.Striking second-best deals with a capricious US president may look like a humiliation. And it certainly must not become an excuse to delay others’ efforts to stand on their own feet. But the US-led order was 80 years in the making. It is going to be a long goodbye. More

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    Does the market need to be concerned about AI adoption?

    This article is an on-site version of our Unhedged newsletter. Premium subscribers can sign up here to get the newsletter delivered every weekday. Standard subscribers can upgrade to Premium here, or explore all FT newslettersGood morning. President Donald Trump lashed out at Fed chair Jay Powell yesterday after Powell emphasised the risks posed by tariffs in a speech on Wednesday. Before Trump, it would have been unusual, and even alarming, for a president to openly rail against the Fed chair. But the market seems to be well prepared for such skirmishes: the S&P 500 was flat yesterday, and yields on the 10-year Treasury only ticked up 5 basis points. Unhedged will be off for Easter Monday, but back in your inboxes on Tuesday. Email me: aiden.reiter@ft.com. AI adoptionBig Tech has had a rough year: the Magnificent 7 stocks are down 22 per cent, and semiconductor stocks have taken a beating. With the exception of the January wobble caused by Chinese AI upstart DeepSeek, this seems to be more about market volatility than dents in the AI narrative. Still, the threat of slowing adoption is worth watching. Sam Tombs at Pantheon Macroeconomics points out that according to the recent regional surveys from the Federal Reserve, services businesses expect to dial back on IT and capital expenditure, having already cut spending in prior months (chart from Tombs; the capex intentions trend is expressed as an average of standard deviations relative to its 2015-2024 mean):The most plausible justification for this is fear of slower economic growth. Most companies have not found a use case for AI yet, and the best models (ChatGPT, Gemini) have free versions. If you are the IT manager at a medium-sized company, with a potential recession looming, do you really want to approve a big AI line item?Another explanation is that this could just be the new technology lifecycle in action. Other historical tech adoptions have also had moments of market underperformance and lower uptake, says Joseph Davis, chief economist at Vanguard and author of an upcoming book about tech cycles: It’s not always a straight line — there are hiccups along the way . . . In every cycle, the tech sector underperforms for a significant period. [The] market underestimates new entrants, while [companies] ask: why are we putting money on this tech stack when we can go on cheaper tech stack in the future? We saw this with electricity [and other technologies].Then there’s DeepSeek. The Chinese company’s low-cost models demonstrated that end users do not necessarily need the best in class, and cheaper offerings may come from smaller players in the not-distant future. That could justify going more slowly on capex and adoption spending now.Even with falling expectations, many analysts see this as just momentary turbulence, and expect high adoption going forward. Here’s Joseph Briggs at Goldman Sachs:The real need of AI-related capex from an end user perspective is still seven years off. Just 7 per cent of companies currently report that they are using AI for the regular production of goods and services. While we have seen a pullback in capex expectations more broadly, I would think about this as being separate from the A theme, but rather related to a near-term headwind to investment related to trade policy uncertainty.Goldman still forecasts $300bn in AI-related investments by the end of 2025. But, as Briggs told me, that number is based on AI-exposed companies’ revenue forecast revisions. As the outlook worsens, AI spending will probably drop, too. The AI narrative is not dead. The market and business pullbacks look like an example of the familiar non-linearity of growth in new technologies. But if the US enters a multi-quarter recession — and AI customers really start to cool their jets — that could change.Friday interview: Brent NeimanBrent Neiman is a professor at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business and recently served as the assistant secretary for international finance in the US Treasury department. Earlier this month, he made headlines when the White House’s ‘reciprocal tariff calculations misleadingly cited research done by Neiman and his colleagues. Unhedged spoke with him about that calculation, the price effects of tariffs and the future of the dollar.Unhedged: Could you walk us through the research cited by the White House?Neiman: The paper was written to measure the pass-through of the first Trump administration’s 2018 tariffs into prices. At the time, there was a lot of discussion of how much foreign countries would pay for the tariffs, rather than the US. Theoretically, there’s nothing incoherent about that — it was possible that foreign exporters would reduce their prices to offset any imposed tariff. But it was also possible that there’d be very little change in pricing, forcing US importers or consumers to cover the tariff.We decided to do an empirical analysis on this question, using data meant to represent the full basket of US imports. We found that US importers paid around 95 per cent of the 2018-19 tariff. For example, if there were a 20 per cent tariff, there would be a one percentage point reduction in the price charged by foreign exporters, and a 19 per cent increase in the prices faced by US importers. We also looked at the price effects of Chinese retaliatory tariffs against the US. Interestingly, there was not the same effect. We found that US exporters dropped prices by more in response to China’s tariffs than Chinese exporters did in response to US tariffs. So in some sense, US exporters paid a greater share of Chinese tariffs than the Chinese exporters paid of the US tariff.Finally, we traced it through as best we could to retail prices, using information from two large US retailers. Our research showed that pass-through was actually much lower for the retailers. One of the reasons may have been tariff front-running by retailers and suppliers, or because there was a shift in supply away from China’s goods towards countries without US tariffs placed upon them.Unhedged: We would love to get to the implications of that, but first we want to ask more about how the White House used your research. What did they use? What did they get right, and what did they get wrong?Neiman: At a high level, I think the most important thing that they got wrong is to base trade policy around the goal of eliminating bilateral trade deficits. If you look in the numerator of their tariff formula, it’s a measure of bilateral trade imbalances. There are many reasons why bilateral trade imbalances could arise — different levels of development, or comparative advantage, or any number of other factors — that have nothing to do with “unfair” practices.Our research seems to have shown up in their calculation of tariff pass-through. The wording that the White House used was they needed the pass-through of tariffs into import prices to make their equation; elsewhere they described it as the “elasticity of import prices to tariffs”. In their methodology, they cite our paper close to that part of the equation. But then the actual number in their formula is 25 per cent, which is much lower than the 95 per cent pass-through we found.Unhedged: What do you imagine the price flow-through will be this time around? Neiman: I think there are some changes that will result in a higher pass-through. There is so much uncertainty, as you know, but there will likely be less scope for substitutes. For example, Vietnam was initially hit with a very high tariff rate. While that is lower now, that suggests that it will be less feasible for our sourcing to shift from China to its neighbours.In our original paper, we also speculated that there were broad expectations that the trade war would not last long, giving businesses the ability to build inventories before tariffs took effect. That may have played a role in restraining price increases in 2018. But that seems less likely to hold now.Also, the scale of these tariffs is off the charts, at least with respect to China. That will be salient to consumers and every pricing manager in the country. Research suggests that the salience of a cost shock really matters. So in this case, I think that it might be easier for firms to justify price increases, since everyone knows what’s going on. It also might be something that firms have to absorb given the scale. If there’s a small tariff, you might expect some margin compression; this is such a big tariff, it’s hard to imagine that margin adjustment could cover very much of it.Finally, coming out of Covid, we saw that there were all sorts of shortages, often from non-linear bottleneck effects, where key components were missing. This led to cost increases. These tariffs are so broad and they’ve been deployed with such speed that something like that could occur again.Unhedged: We’ve started seeing some concern in the market that the new tariff regime will result in foreign purchasers turning away from the dollar. You’ve done a lot of research on the dollar; could you share your thoughts on its future?Neiman: I think it’s helpful to take an expansive view on the role of the dollar. The dollar is disproportionately used in foreign reserves, import and export invoicing, to denominate external bonds, and in foreign exchange trading, among other uses. There are strong network effects between these uses. So I think it’s reasonable to be cautious in expecting anything to change too rapidly in terms of the dollar’s role. There is a concern that, with the recent volatility and uncertainty around trade policy, the US more broadly may be viewed as less dependable. I do worry that that could lead foreign investors, and the counterparts in all of these roles of the dollar, to choose other assets over dollar-denominated assets. But we need to be humble. There’s basically only one historical data point that we have on a rapid shift away from the world’s dominant currency, and that’s the transition from the pound to the dollar. We have conjectured that the dollar’s prevalence is due to strong rule of law, or deep in liquid markets and sound institutions. But we just don’t have many observations to look at.Unhedged: One of the benefits of having the Treasury be the reserve asset of the world is it results in lower Treasury yields. How will the trade war affect the debt outlook?Neiman: One of the ways the trade war will impact US debt dynamics is even simpler than questions around dollar dominance. Tariffs are likely to have a very negative impact for US growth. At the end of 2024, economically speaking, we were in a really strong position: growth and productivity numbers looked great, unemployment was very low. We have now seen sell-side research economists at Goldman Sachs and other banks say that the recession risks are nearly 50 per cent, or even above that. Slower growth has implications for the size of the US debt relative to GDP.Unhedged: What else is on your mind at this moment?Neiman: I think one thing that is really important is the foreign policy implications from tariffs. I’m an economist, so I’m generally focused on the economic impact of these policies. But in this case, I think the damage may be even worse in terms of our foreign policy and global standing. I just spent three years in the Biden administration. In my role, there was a real diplomatic component to the job. I spent a lot of time working with foreign countries on all sorts of non-economic issues, like working with poorer countries to fight the financing of drug trafficking, terrorism and financial fraud, or to stem migration flows to the US. I look at the many countries that we’re now tariffing, and I worry it will keep them from working with us, or doing so as enthusiastically, on these critical issues.CorrectionI incorrectly described the non-model approach to calculating the term premium yesterday, though the numbers and graphs are still correct. The approach involves the yield on three-year one-month overnight index swaps — not inflation swaps, as I wrote — which is more accurately described as a risk-free asset related to expectations for the Fed, not inflation. Subtracting that series from the 10-year to 10-year forward rate gives the measure. My apologies.One good readClass credit.FT Unhedged podcastCan’t get enough of Unhedged? Listen to our new podcast, for a 15-minute dive into the latest markets news and financial headlines, twice a week. Catch up on past editions of the newsletter here.Recommended newsletters for youDue Diligence — Top stories from the world of corporate finance. Sign up hereFree Lunch — Your guide to the global economic policy debate. Sign up here More