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    UK to focus new trade strategy on boosting services exports

    Sir Keir Starmer will launch a new trade strategy on Thursday focused on boosting UK services exports, while strengthening anti-dumping defences to protect Britain from the fallout from Donald Trump’s global tariff war.Starmer will also announce a £20bn increase in the capacity of UK Export Finance, the government’s credit agency for exporters, to £80bn, as well as a consultation on anti-dumping measures for steel — which was welcomed by the industry. Additionally, the UK plans to join the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement, a body that arbitrates trade disputes between countries that was set up to defend the global rules-based trade system during Trump’s first term.Trade minister Douglas Alexander said Starmer would set out a policy based on hard-headed “pragmatic patriotism”, embracing free trade and seeking to build markets across the world, including China and the Gulf.“Our strategic response to this new world can’t be based on nostalgia or post imperial delusion, let alone any ideological or dogmatic attachment to one trading bloc or another,” Alexander told the Financial Times. Speaking ahead of the launch, he said the trade strategy would focus on breaking down “behind the border” regulatory barriers to boost exports by Britain’s dominant services sector, worth about £500bn a year.The strategy will attempt to address the UK’s dismal trade performance since Brexit, which has seen a sharp decline in goods exports that has only been partially offset by robust growth in services.Real-terms UK trade volumes have grown by just 1 per cent since 2019, while both the EU and G7 have enjoyed an 8 per cent growth, the Centre for European Reform said last month.Alexander said a new “Ricardo fund” — named after the free trade economist — worth “tens of millions of pounds” would help UK regulators and overseas teams identify and tackle barriers to services trade.“In a time of tariffs, global services trade is booming,” he said. “This trade strategy recognises it as an indispensable element of the UK’s contemporary export earnings.”Alexander said the strategy would also toughen Britain’s trade defences to stop it becoming the victim of dumping and unfair trade practices in an “increasingly protectionist world”.The UK is currently the only country to strike a deal with Trump to avoid the worst of his tariffs. However, it is still watching for spillover effects of US-China trade tensions that have seen Chinese exports to America drop by 34.5 per cent in May, according to customs data.“We will promote what we can and protect what we must,” he said. “We will expand and sharpen our range of trade defence tools in our toolbox to be able to respond to unfair competition.”Alexander said the strategy would also aim to get small and mid-sized businesses exporting more, especially to Europe, and to help them navigate post-Brexit red tape.Shevaun Haviland, director-general of the British Chambers of Commerce, welcomed the strategy, saying: “We have been banging the drum on trade strategy for the past four years and now it’s in fashion. Only 10 per cent of UK businesses export, and that is not enough.”Alexander said the trade policy would look to build on the EU-UK deal signed last month, which began removing some Brexit obstacles to trade, notably in foodstuffs and animal products and energy markets.However, government estimates are that the package would create a GDP uplift of just 0.3 per cent in 2040 — a tiny fraction of the 4 per cent long-run hit to GDP from Brexit estimated by the Office for Budget Responsibility. “I would argue the agreement on May 19 was not a single standout event but the start of a process of annual UK-EU summits,” Alexander said. “We will keep talking, keep working and keep seeking opportunities for British business.”The “hard-headed” approach to trade would also mean continuing to build commercial ties with China. He insisted that Washington did not have a veto over UK policy, despite the US linking its trade deal with Britain to closer scrutiny of China’s role in supply chains. “We remain and will remain a sovereign actor on trade policy,” he said. “We take seriously our responsibility on issues like investment security and economic security but those decisions will be taken in London.”Meanwhile, Alexander’s team is in the late stages of negotiating what they hope will be a free trade agreement with the six countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, or GCC.Unions have expressed concerns the deal will not address workers’ rights issues in the region, but Alexander insisted the UK was trying. “We are seeking legally binding chapters in the FTA with the GCC on environmental standards and on labour standards.“You can’t address everything in trade deals but it’s important that you have that approach reflected in your negotiations.” The Labour government is also seeking trade agreements with Switzerland and South Korea. While FTA’s had a role, Alexander stressed that “we can’t afford to be a one club golfer.”The new trade strategy would target more narrowly focused digital trade agreements, and deals for the mutual recognition of professional qualifications.Asked whether the trade strategy marked a technocratic shift from the “buccaneering” approach advocated by Boris Johnson after Brexit, Alexander said: “I want to devise a trade strategy based on data and not post-imperial delusion.” More

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    EU leaders shift from defence to trade as Trump looms over Brussels summit

    This article is an on-site version of our Europe Express newsletter. Premium subscribers can sign up here to get the newsletter delivered every weekday and fortnightly on Saturday morning. Standard subscribers can upgrade to Premium here, or explore all FT newslettersGood morning. Nato leaders weathered the Trump storm yesterday, with the US president departing The Hague after what he called a “tremendous” summit that saw allies pledge to jack up defence spending to 5 per cent of GDP. Now comes the hard part of actually paying up.Today, many of those same leaders will reassemble in Brussels for an EU summit that my colleagues explain will turn to the other thorny Trump topic: trade. And our tech correspondent hears a plea for the EU to hold firm on its AI rules.On to the nextHaving survived Donald Trump’s assault on Nato in The Hague, EU leaders are moving on to the next transatlantic rift as they meet in Brussels to discuss trade, write Andy Bounds, Alice Hancock and Barbara Moens.Context: The summit includes a dinner debate on “geoeconomics” that will discuss boosting EU competitiveness and independence, with the main course a potential deal to reduce US tariffs before a July 9 deadline.During the meeting, European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen wants to get a steer from EU leaders on how much leeway she has to appease Trump.One senior EU diplomat described it as a “postmortem” of the Nato summit. “I think we should all see them as a package, you know, transatlantic relations and security,” said a second.As the deadline looms, pressure is rising to seal a deal with Washington to avoid “reciprocal tariffs” of 50 per cent. Von der Leyen hopes to get guidance from EU leaders on whether she should aim for a quick deal with Trump, which could leave some tariffs in place as further negotiations continue, or whether the bloc should take a more confrontational approach to build leverage, officials say. But while the commission wants to put a “credible threat” on the table, some member states are wary of the effects on their economies, looking to exempt items such as Boeing planes or alcoholic drinks from the proposed €95bn retaliation list. Others are concerned to rock the boat too much given the continued dependency on the US for security. “We have a big stick,” said one EU diplomat, but if “member states nibble too much away from it for their own legitimate defensive interest, then the rebalancing measure weakens.” Trump said yesterday Spain should suffer trade punishment for refusing to sign up to Nato’s new 5 per cent defence spending target.But trade won’t be the only potential bust-up tomorrow. In a surprise move, France and other countries said they want to raise the bloc’s upcoming 2040 climate target, which is already being contested although the commission won’t table that legislation until next week. Some countries fear the target will harm the bloc’s economy and industry, diplomats said. One suggested that the debate at the summit would be a good moment to gauge support for having the target at all. Chart du jour: SteeledSome content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.High energy costs are among the myriad challenges faced by European steel producers, alongside little demand for costlier green products.Hold the lineThe European Commission must not water down upcoming rules on AI, a group of prominent AI researchers, civil society leaders and industry figures told Barbara Moens.Context: The EU is struggling to agree on the exact timeline and conditions to implement its landmark artificial intelligence act, amid warnings from tech companies that the regulation could hinder innovation.The commission is dragging its feet on publishing its so-called code of practice which is set to provide guidance to AI companies on how to implement the act, which from August will apply to powerful AI models such as Google’s Gemini, Meta’s Llama and OpenAI’s GPT-4.In a joint letter seen by the FT, more than 40 signatories — including Nobel laureates Daron Acemoglu and Geoffrey Hinton — urge the commission “to resist pressures that would compromise this regulatory framework”.Pushing back against pressure from big tech companies warning that strict rules could prevent much-needed investments, the signatories argue that legal certainty on the rule book is key, and that the main obstacle is not regulation but insufficient adoption of AI in the bloc. Robust rules will help promote “the uptake of human-centric and trustworthy AI, while mitigating systemic risks,” they argue.To ensure that, the signatories call for third-party testing of high-risk AI models and setting up an AI office within the commission.Meanwhile, the Computer & Communications Industry Association, which includes a number of big tech companies, urged the commission to pause implementation of the AI Act, as industry needs more time to adopt the guidance when it comes.A European Commission spokesperson said that the commission “is not watering down the AI Act; we are fully committed to the goals”.What to watch today EU leaders meet for a summit in Brussels.German foreign minister Johann Wadephul hosts his Canadian counterpart Anita Anand in Berlin.Now read theseRecommended newsletters for you Free Lunch — Your guide to the global economic policy debate. Sign up hereThe State of Britain — Peter Foster’s guide to the UK’s economy, trade and investment in a changing world. Sign up hereAre you enjoying Europe Express? Sign up here to have it delivered straight to your inbox every workday at 7am CET and on Saturdays at noon CET. Do tell us what you think, we love to hear from you: [email protected]. Keep up with the latest European stories @FT Europe More

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    Fears over US debt load and inflation ignite exodus from long-term bonds

    .css-13hw3ep{margin-bottom:var(–o3-spacing-s);}.css-eh7lb7{margin:0;}Join FT EditOnly .css-79fz17{-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;}$49 a year.css-1h69zf4{margin:0;white-space:pre-wrap;font-family:var(–o3-type-body-base-font-family);font-weight:var(–o3-type-body-base-font-weight);font-size:var(–o3-type-body-base-font-size);line-height:var(–o3-type-body-base-line-height);color:var(–o3-color-use-case-support-inverse-text);}Get 2 months free with an annual subscription at was .css-lhfuqt{-webkit-text-decoration:line-through;text-decoration:line-through;}$59.88 now $49.
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    How the next financial crisis starts

    If you are over the age of 40, there is a good chance you remember where you were on September 15 2008, the day Lehman Brothers went bust. It was one of the first of many shocking moments during the last global financial crisis, a searing time of bank runs, crashes and bankruptcies when big economies tumbled into some of their deepest recessions since the Great Depression. Stunned Lehman staff, who left the 158-year-old investment bank’s offices carrying their belongings in cardboard boxes, came to symbolise the millions who lost their jobs, homes and life savings in a disaster that destroyed trillions of dollars of wealth.There were multiple culprits for the mayhem but, as with so many financial debacles, the property market was implicated. In 2006, the air went out of a US housing bubble fuelled by supposedly safe mortgage-backed securities that had been sold around the world and included risky “subprime” home loans. As the number of mortgage defaults and foreclosures climbed, the value of these securities plunged, saddling investors with crippling losses and prompting panic in financial markets.In the months after the crisis hit, government bailouts and sweeping reforms began to put the battered financial system back together. Today, big banks are better capitalised. Markets are better regulated and investors more protected as a result of those reforms. And yet each month now brings warnings with echoes of that strife. Fears are growing that property markets could again be roiled, this time not by risky lending practices but by rising numbers of climate-related disasters putting pressure on insurers and other critical financial institutions. “Property values will eventually fall — just like in 2008 — sending household wealth tumbling,” said Next to Fall, a December report on climate change and insurance from the then Democrat-chaired US Senate Budget Committee. “The United States could be looking at a systemic shock to the economy similar to the financial crisis of 2008 — if not greater.” In January, the Financial Stability Board, which was set up to keep an eye on the global financial system after the 2008 crisis, said insurance was becoming more costly and scarce in disaster-prone areas and “climate shocks” could set off wider market turmoil. In early February, US Federal Reserve chair Jay Powell warned that the Fed was also seeing banks and insurers pull out of risky areas. “If you fast forward 10 or 15 years, there are going to be regions of the country where you can’t get a mortgage. There won’t be ATMs [and] banks won’t have branches,” he told Congress. “I don’t know that it’s a financial stability issue, but it certainly will have significant economic consequences.”Less than two weeks later, Warren Buffett told shareholders in his Berkshire Hathaway conglomerate, which includes a string of insurers, that property cover prices had gone up thanks to a major increase in violent storm damage. “Climate change may have been announcing its arrival,” he said. “Someday, any day, a truly staggering insurance loss will occur — and there is no guarantee that there will be only one per annum.” Then, as Europe experienced its hottest March on record, Günther Thallinger, a management board member at Germany’s insurance giant Allianz, warned global temperatures were fast approaching levels where insurers would no longer be able to operate, creating “a systemic risk that threatens the very foundation of the financial sector”.“If insurance is no longer available, other financial services become unavailable too,” he wrote in a LinkedIn post that made headlines. “The economic value of entire regions — coastal, arid, wildfire-prone — will begin to vanish from financial ledgers,” he added. “Markets will reprice, rapidly and brutally.”© Alex TrochutThere is no single scenario for exactly how property insurance costs might lead to climate-fuelled financial upheaval. But here is one that has emerged from discussions I’ve had this year with more than 20 investors, financial analysts, regulatory experts, insurance executives, scientists and researchers.It begins with the number of insurers pulling back from US states swelling from a stream to a flood, and not just in disaster-prone states such as California. Across the country, homeowners face soaring premiums or an inability to renew their cover as insurers confront a remorseless spate of wildfires, storms and hurricanes. Cash-strapped governments try to plug the gaps with more last-resort insurance schemes. But these plans typically cost more and cover less, raising a chilling new reality for thousands of homeowners. The value of their family home, which had risen year after comforting year, instead begins to sink. The contagion spreads because you need insurance to get a mortgage, so as property coverage fades, so does the presence of banks. In state after state, it becomes impossible to find a bank branch. Some lenders quit the mortgage business completely. A few begin reporting big losses. And the US is not alone. Climate-driven upheaval intensifies abroad, rattling insurers, banks and property markets from southern Australia to northern Italy. In city after city, people find themselves living in homes worth less than what they had paid for them. Each monthly mortgage payment feels like throwing good money after bad.In a disturbing hint of past financial turmoil, mortgage defaults begin to rise, along with foreclosures and credit card delinquencies. But this time, it’s different. Unlike other financial disasters, the underlying cause of this one is not financial, it is physical, and it is not clear how it will ever end.It needs to be said that views are far from settled about whether a warming planet will ever cause this or any other form of financial disorder. Christopher Waller, a US Federal Reserve governor appointed during Donald Trump’s first term, has long been among the doubters. “Climate change is real, but I do not believe it poses a serious risk to the safety and soundness of large banks or the financial stability of the United States,” he told a 2023 conference in Madrid on economic and financial challenges.Property values plunged after population declines in US cities such as Detroit without posing a threat to financial stability, Waller argued. Why would declines in coastal cities hit by rising sea levels be any different? Also, Fed stress tests that typically assumed a fall in US real estate prices of more than 25 per cent had found the largest banks could absorb nearly $100bn in losses on loans collateralised by real estate, plus another $500bn of losses on other positions. Even experts who disagree and think there is a deepening climate-driven insurance problem don’t say this will automatically lead to the abrupt meltdowns of the 2008 crisis. Here’s how former California insurance commissioner Dave Jones, a Democrat, put it to me. “Over time you’ll see even more insurance company insolvencies, more insurance price increases and less insurance availability, more mortgage defaults, and falls in asset values and credit freezes; as opposed to a single catastrophic event or events where a bunch of financial institutions nationally go down at once.” Although, he added, “There is some risk of that as well.” There is, however, wider agreement on one daunting point. Climate-driven financial havoc, even if it happens in slow motion, could be more menacing than past financial chaos. That’s because it would not be caused by financial failures that are typically followed by a recovery, but by global carbon emissions that the world has spent more than 30 years struggling to cut.“This type of climate risk is not cyclical. It’s heading in one direction,” says economist Ben Keys, a professor of real estate and finance at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School. “So you don’t necessarily need as big a shock, if it’s a permanent shock, to have a serious, long-term effect on house prices and other asset values.”This idea of a persistent climate imprint on real estate, one of the oldest and most important asset classes, marks a shift in the way some experts have been thinking about the relatively new concept of climate-fuelled financial instability. The story of why this shift has happened, and what it means, may seem remote when missiles are falling in the Middle East and Ukraine, and streets in the world’s biggest economy are filling with protests against authoritarianism. But in the long run, this is the story that may matter most, if only because it is so hard to see how it finishes.© Alex TrochutFor many years, analysts have thought there are broadly two ways that global warming might affect financial stability: the physical risks of extreme weather, and the so-called “transition risks” from government policies or technologies that disrupt fossil fuel-based investments by hastening a move to greener economies. The two threats are linked: if physical risks intensify, they could in theory spur tougher climate policies that deepen transition risks. But physical dangers often seemed the more distant of the two when the idea of climate-fuelled financial problems first arose.Mark Campanale was an early thinker about a climate crash and transition risks. He was a 40-something sustainable investment analyst in London in 2007 when he began warning about the threat of “unburnable carbon”, the fossil fuels that could not be used if global temperatures were to be kept at safe levels. The contagion spreads because you need insurance to get a mortgage, so as property coverage fades, so does the presence of banksBack then, governments were starting to act, passing laws such as the UK’s pioneering 2008 Climate Change Act, which contains a legally binding goal for reducing emissions. Campanale argued a “carbon bubble” could form as governments set emissions targets that were incompatible with the number of oil wells, coal power plants and other fossil fuel assets being financed across the world. Once policies were launched to meet those targets, he argued, investors who kept pouring money into fossil fuels could be lumbered with stranded assets and big losses. In other words, serious transition risks.A think-tank he co-founded in 2010, called Carbon Tracker, helped to popularise the premise. In a 2011 report, it pointed out the CO₂ potential of London-listed fossil fuel companies was more than 10 times bigger than all the carbon due to be emitted until 2050 under UK climate targets. The idea took off. Financial journalists wrote about it. Academics held conferences about it. Climate campaigners deployed it and urged financial regulators to consider it.In September 2015, the carbon bubble hit prime time. Mark Carney, then the governor of the Bank of England, gave a speech about the risk of “unburnable” stranded fossil fuel assets and the “potentially huge” exposure UK investors could face. Carney, now the prime minister of Canada, suggested companies disclose more information about their carbon footprints to help ward off a “climate Minsky moment”. That’s a sudden market collapse after a long bull run has encouraged risky debt-fuelled investments, named after the theories of the late US economist Hyman Minsky. Carney’s speech was huge for Campanale, whose think-tank work has mushroomed to cover overfishing, chemicals and water supplies, as well as carbon risks. “I was, of course, thrilled that the governor chose to use our framing in his 2015 speech because it showed the impact of our analysis,” he says.Others were less enthused. Climate sceptics saw a backdoor effort to sneak climate policies into banking regulations. Climate action campaigners worried Carney was putting too much faith in private markets to solve a problem requiring carbon taxes, fossil fuel use limits and other robust public policies. Many predicted such policies would never be enacted at the scale needed. And even if they were, fossil fuel asset values would gradually decline rather than crash, giving investors plenty of time to make money along the way. Also, if there ever was a fossil fuel crash and scores of investors lost their shirts, why would it cause anything like a systemic financial crisis? That didn’t happen after the dotcom crash in the early 2000s left many shareholders in the red. Still, Carney’s speech marked a turning point. If a central banker was taking climate financial risk seriously, not least the threat of a disorderly transition, then how could it be ignored?What we’ve seen with the LA fires and other disasters is that we’re already in the territory where physical risks could be a threat to the financial system Patrick Bolton, finance professorAnd the Bank of England governor was far from alone. In 2017, eight central banks and financial supervisors, including those from China, Germany, France and the UK, launched what became known as the Network for Greening the Financial System. The group soon had more than 100 members, including the US Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank. The idea that a warming world could affect financial stability became mainstream. Suddenly, central banks were carrying out climate stress tests of banking systems that took transition risks at least as seriously as physical dangers, if not more so.This analysis is still a work in progress. A comprehensive UN review of stress tests said last year the evaluations had broadly found that financial systems were likely to be able to cope with both physical and transition threats. But also the potential consequences were likely to be understated. Critics have used blunter language to complain that too many stress tests are based on models that exclude risks such as climate tipping points. These are thresholds in the earth’s system that, once passed, trigger dramatic and irreversible changes, such as the loss of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet or Amazon rainforest. “The consequence of this is that the results emerging from the models are far too benign,” the UK’s Institute and Faculty of Actuaries said in a 2023 report. “It’s as if we are modelling the scenario of the Titanic hitting an iceberg but excluding from the impacts the possibility that the ship could sink, with two-thirds of the souls on board perishing.”More recently, Norway’s Norges Bank Investment Management, the world’s largest sovereign wealth fund, said some conventional models produced “implausibly low” estimates of physical climate risk losses while other analysis suggested far more serious consequences.Models continue to be refined and central banks continue to work on what ECB chief Christine Lagarde last year called the “new type of systemic risk” posed by climate and environmental threats. But as it turned out, there was another type of hazard that needed to be addressed. The Trump risk. © Alex TrochutThe US administration’s rush to dismantle climate change policies since Donald Trump took office in January has been jaw-dropping. The president’s declaration of a “national energy emergency” aimed at boosting fossil fuels, and an order to again pull out of the Paris Agreement, were just the beginning. The administration has since fired scientists at climate and weather agencies and drawn up plans to slash monitoring of greenhouse gases. Republicans in Congress have moved to repeal clean energy tax credits and other elements of Joe Biden’s climate policy centrepiece, the Inflation Reduction Act. Lee Zeldin, the administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, said efforts to fight climate change were a “cult” as the administration began to dismantle rules restricting power plant pollution.Separately, Trump signed Congressional resolutions aimed at overturning California’s efforts to boost electric cars and end the sale of new petrol-powered cars by 2035. As Trump’s energy secretary, Chris Wright, posted online at the time, “Climate alarmism has had a terrible impact on human lives and freedom. It belongs in the ash heap of history.”None of this means that the green energy transition, with all its potential consequences for financial stability, is dead. Last year, worldwide investment in the transition exceeded $2tn for the first time. Nearly 40 per cent of this came from the clean energy behemoth that is China, which invested more than the US, EU and UK combined.But the pace of global investment growth was slower than the previous three years, says the Bloomberg New Energy Finance data research group. And if the US, the world’s largest economy, is now actively doing its best to reverse the transition, it casts an uncertain light on the immediate future of the shift. Meanwhile, signs of the physical climate risks that initially seemed more remote than transition threats have grown ever more apparent. Monster rains brought Dubai to a standstill in April last year and forced thousands to evacuate in China. Hundreds died a few months later when Typhoon Yagi roared into south-east Asia. In October, authorities in Florida were still dealing with the wreckage left by two enormous hurricanes that slammed into the state within an unusually short 13 days of each other when disaster hit the Spanish province of Valencia. More than 200 people died after a deluge dumped a year’s worth of rain in hours.Less than three months later, the world watched as enormous wildfires brought chaos to the Los Angeles area, killing dozens and razing thousands of homes including the mansions of Hollywood celebrities.The pace of destruction has continued this year. In March, South Korean leaders said deadly wildfires sweeping the country were the worst in the nation’s history, while Japan ordered thousands to evacuate from its worst wildfires in decades. Massive wildfires have forced thousands of Canadians to evacuate, and Australia has faced a disastrous set of floods that officials say hit economic growth. This month, authorities issued extreme heat warnings across North America, Europe and Asia.There is no let-up in sight in a world that is growing considerably hotter.Last year, for the first time, global average temperatures reached 1.5C above pre-industrial levels for 12 consecutive months. Some time in the next five years, there is a chance temperatures could rise to nearly 2C for the first time, scientists said in May.None of these events has led to systemic financial instability. Trump’s market-shaking tariffs had a far bigger effect. But the growing number of disasters has begun to change the way experts consider climate-driven financial problems.The US administration’s rush to dismantle climate change policies since Donald Trump took office in January has been jaw-dropping“My thinking has always been that transition risk is a bigger risk for the financial system because it can take the form of very sudden shifts that lead to huge financial losses,” says finance professor Patrick Bolton, lead author of an influential 2020 publication commissioned by the Bank for International Settlements and Banque de France that said climate change could cause the next systemic financial crisis. “But I think what we’ve seen with the LA fires and other unexpectedly destructive disasters is that we’re already now in the territory where physical risks could be a threat to the financial system.”Banks have had a similar rethink, says a financial services strategist who has worked on climate stress testing for nearly a decade. “For years it was assumed that stranded assets and other transition risks were going to pose the biggest threat,” he told me. “But the scale of extreme weather disasters in the last few years has forced a rethink because it shows that physical risks are intensifying a lot faster than originally expected.”Lord Adair Turner, a former chair of the UK’s Financial Services Authority who helped to redesign banking regulations after the 2008 financial crisis, has arrived at a similar conclusion, albeit from a different starting position. He always found it hard to imagine a serious financial crisis could ever be unleashed by the transition risks that solar panels or electric cars might pose for coal companies or combustion engine carmakers. But he now thinks physical climate risks might do it.“The fact that the severity of extreme events is hurtling up at a pace which we did not previously understand, and this affects an asset category as big as real estate, could leave lenders exposed to uninsurable properties that fall in price,” he says. “If I was to search anywhere in the world for something that could produce a financial crisis, that’s where I would primarily focus.”Turner’s interest in the subject is not academic. He chairs the UK’s OakNorth digital bank as well as European arms of the Chubb Insurance group. He was also the first chair of the UK’s Climate Change Committee advisory body. That’s a useful background, considering the new information emerging in the US about the way climate disasters are affecting home insurance. Or rather, the information that was emerging in the US.Four days before Donald Trump’s January 20 inauguration, the US Treasury’s Federal Insurance Office released what it called the most comprehensive data on homeowners insurance compiled to date.Its analysis of 246mn policies issued between 2018 and 2022 showed insurance was growing more costly and less available for millions of Americans, especially for those in the most disaster-prone areas.The average cost of premiums paid by people living in places where climate-related losses were expected to be highest was 82 per cent more than in the least risky areas. Those in riskier spots also faced much higher rates of non-renewals, where insurers decline to renew homeowners’ policies.The report included information from bodies such as the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and the Federal Emergency Management Agency (Fema). Both agencies have been hit by efforts to cut the federal workforce and Trump has set out plans to start phasing out Fema.The Federal Insurance Office would also be eliminated under legislation introduced in January by a Republican congressman, which would leave US states the sole regulators of the insurance industry. The move was backed by insurance leaders who called the office’s January report a “flawed” effort that focused too much on climate change rather than other factors that raised insurance cover costs, such as inflation, lawsuits and people shifting to risky areas.Other insurers point out that, although extreme weather events can be significant, most have coincided with rising house prices that have so far formed a big buffer against mortgage delinquencies.As for the risks to insurers themselves, industry leaders are quick to point out that they typically offer coverage for a single year, not the decades that a bank mortgage can last, so their financial exposure is more limited.Meanwhile, work is being done to reshape insurance markets to make them more resilient to climate risk, push homeowners to build in less perilous places and make existing houses more resilient to weather extremes. We must hope these efforts work. But we should also recognise that a number depend on data, analysis and shared expertise about the effects of climate change which is now under severe pressure in the US. A day after the Federal Insurance Office released its January report, the Federal Reserve said it was withdrawing from the central bank Network for Greening the Financial System that has driven so much work on climate-driven financial instability.Two weeks later, the Federal Insurance Office said it too was pulling out of the network, in line with presidential executive orders on “Putting America First in International Environmental Agreements and Unleashing American Energy”. As the president’s agriculture secretary, Brooke Rollins, later told Fox Business, “We’re not doing climate change, you know, crud any more.” That’s because, as she said, “it’s a new day”. Pilita Clark is an FT columnistFind out about our latest stories first — follow FT Weekend Magazine on X and FT Weekend on Instagram More

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    Investors press South Africa to lower inflation target

    Unlock the Editor’s Digest for freeRoula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.Investors are pushing for South Africa’s government to endorse a plan by its central bank to cut its inflation target for the first time this century, in the hopes it will permanently lower the borrowing costs of Africa’s most industrialised nation.Portfolio managers said a rally in South African bonds and the rand in recent weeks had partly reflected bets that the country’s treasury would sign off by early next year on lowering the South African Reserve Bank’s official inflation target to 3 per cent from 3 to 6 per cent currently.Asset managers, hedge funds and others have been preparing for missives and meetings with the National Treasury to back the change, with some advising that it would need a careful transition, said people familiar with the matter. At stake is one of the most important levers for managing South Africa’s economy and potentially lifting it out of years of stagnation. South African inflation remained below 3 per cent in May, even as interest rates are currently 7.25 per cent.The base rate means the prime lending rate used to price South African bank loans and mortgages is close to 11 per cent. It also feeds into yields on government bonds, which are about 10 per cent for 10-year debt. The upper end of South Africa’s target is relatively high by the standards of big developing nations, such as Brazil, which since 2018 has reduced its inflation target from 4.5 per cent to 3 per cent, with a “tolerance range” of 1.5 per cent on either side. Supporters of a lower target in South Africa say its central bank’s strong record in keeping inflation low in recent years has made it the right time to align the country with other emerging markets that have used lower targets to help anchor investment.Lower interest rates would help reduce debt costs for South Africa as it grapples with the long-term threat a weak economy poses to public finances.“If you want to do it, there is hardly a better time than now,” said an investor who recently attended meetings on the subject with officials, citing low inflation, a buoyant rand, and strong trade such as a revival in prices for gold and platinum — two key exports for South Africa.But transitioning to a lower target could also be a political minefield for President Cyril Ramaphosa’s fragile coalition government, which needed three attempts to pass a budget this year because of divisions among parties on economic policy. Expectations for price and wage increases would have to be carefully managed in South Africa’s deeply unequal post-apartheid society.The central bank used a monetary policy decision in May to model how it would potentially have acted had the lower inflation target been in place. “Inflation targeting has been in South Africa for 25 years. This is our best chance in 25 years,” Lesetja Kganyago, governor of the South African Reserve Bank told the Financial Times.He compared doubts about South Africa’s ability to fight inflation to the so-called fear of floating in central banking, when policymakers hesitate to abandon long-held fixed exchange rates. “You have got a central bank that can swim, so it can keep this inflation down . . . nobody will drown,” he said.The bank estimates that the ‘sacrifice ratio’ of a change, or how much growth might be sacrificed through different monetary policy to hit the target, is almost zero as a share of GDP, though some analysts contest this.“The high and wide inflation target keeps long-term inflation risks higher than they need to be, depressing economic growth and deepening inequality,” a paper by the bank’s economists said in May. The Reserve Bank has already de facto targeted 4.5 per cent inflation, or the midpoint of the current target, since 2017. Kganyago became governor in 2014.One key challenge of introducing a lower target would be for Ramaphosa’s African National Congress, the biggest party in the coalition, to restrain wage increases for civil servants and price hikes by state companies and municipalities.“You have to get ducks in a row, this is not a simple change — there is a huge amount of political socialisation work to do that the market doesn’t consider,” said Peter Attard Montalto, managing director at South African consultancy Krutham.South Africa’s public sector workforce is dominated by trade unions that often negotiate wages based on recent inflation numbers. This could make it hard to bed in a new target, said Daan Steenkamp, head of Codera Analytics, an economic research firm.About a third of South Africa’s basket of consumer prices is also influenced by government, such as utilities, public transport, and education, he added. ‘Administered’ prices, set by government bodies or regulators, still often outpace overall inflation. “That means government buy-in is important if we are to have a lower inflation target,” Steenkamp said. The National Treasury did not respond to a request for comment. More

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    Governments aren’t hearing the calls for aid

    This article is an on-site version of our Trade Secrets newsletter. Premium subscribers can sign up here to get the newsletter delivered every Monday. Standard subscribers can upgrade to Premium here, or explore all FT newslettersFor a second week running I’m going to avoid talking about Donald Trump as the first subject in this newsletter, not least because he’s been too busy bombing Iran to go off on any new tangents on trade. Obviously, if Iran closes the Strait of Hormuz, the implications for oil prices and the global economy could be enormous. But absent that, the conflict is just another “everything’s awful but globalisation is surviving” for the voluminous scrapbook. It’s still a couple of weeks until Trump’s supposed July 9 deadline for concluding talks with other governments, set when the bogus so-called “reciprocal tariffs” were imposed on April 2 and then suspended for 90 days a week later. His “90 deals in 90 days” are proving (surprise!) elusive. He also signed an executive order last week supposedly implementing part of the nonbinding UK deal agreed in May, but the bit on steel (SURPRISE!) is still up in the air. Ahead of a big financing for development conference in Seville next week, today’s main pieces are on the need to fund the green transition and the gaps opening up in development finance thanks to savage aid cuts, as well as more evidence on how the private sector just isn’t going to fill them. Charted Waters, where we look at the data behind global trade, is on how not to do it if you’re an emerging market, in the form of the mess Venezuela is making of everything.Get in touch. Email me at [email protected] resist the heat from aid campaignersHolding a development conference in Seville (aka “la sartén de España” — the frying pan of Spain) in July is certainly one way of reminding everyone about the imperatives of climate change. The temperature is currently forecast to hit a challenging 47C on the first day of the gathering.As I’ve written before, there’s a deep sense of doom in the aid and development world. The Trump administration’s vandalism of US aid programmes is killing thousands of people, and the other big donors (the UK, France) have also been cutting development assistance and redirecting it away from where it’s going to do the most good.The one bright spot is that financing conditions for lower-income countries in general have been relatively benign in recent months, largely because the dollar has been soft and US bond yields have stayed quite low. But that doesn’t help countries without bond market access or whose debt burdens are so heavy that easier external financing considerations are beside the point.I got some fairly weighty pushback recently for being too optimistic about low-income countries and sovereign debt loads. Fair enough. I might well have suggested that more boats were being kept at elevated levels by a buoyant financing tide than is actually the case. (I’ll come back to this in a future newsletter.)But what’s really clear is that while campaigners are winding up to deliver a repeat of the big calls for sovereign debt relief from 20 or 25 years ago, governments aren’t really listening. 2025 is a once-a-quarter-century “jubilee year” as declared by the Catholic church, where biblically-inspired tradition has it that debts are forgiven. The Vatican has made a big push for another round of write-offs just as it did in 2000, which inspired the Jubilee 2000 debt relief campaign.In case anyone thinks this is just papal wokery, as the Trump administration presumably does, the previous drive was led by Pope John Paul II, no one’s idea of a squishy liberal. The social studies institution he founded, the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, has joined forces with Columbia University, last week publishing a chunky report calling for reform of the global financial system.But it’s really not clear anyone’s listening. The OECD, which records these things, said aid fell last year after five years of growth, with falling expenditure on Ukraine meaning overall levels were reduced rather than redirected elsewhere.Trump is not George W Bush, who embraced the aid cause with religious fervour. Keir Starmer is neither Tony Blair nor Gordon Brown, who both made a big deal over pushing for debt relief. Indeed, present-day Blair and Brown aren’t their former selves either: both have been shamefully silent over their party’s decision to cut the UK’s aid budget. China has been very active in development finance for decades, but a lot of it is commercial lending.The strong and active political and public consensus from 25 years ago in favour of aid in the big donor countries hasn’t endured. That’s no one’s fault in particular — it’s hard to keep a mass movement going without an immediate goal. But I’d say the pope’s up against it.Intruding into private fantasiesIn the meantime, in a world where official aid doesn’t materialise, we’re left hoping that private finance will. As I said above, external borrowing conditions haven’t been too bad this year. But governments managing their public debt is not the same as the long-term investment financing needed for the green transition. And private finance hasn’t appeared despite decades of hopium: the shortage of appetite for risk or long-term investment in environments of uncertain policy has deterred it. There’s no particular reason it should materialise now.There’s a new report out today from the research and campaign organisation Oil Change International which gives a granular look at “blended finance”, where public money is used to coax in private funds. The researchers calculate that the world in 2023-24 spent only 38 per cent of the $5.7tn needed to do the green transition properly, and rich countries plus China accounted for 85 per cent of that.Official assumptions have been that each dollar of concessional public finance pulls in between $4 and $7 of private money. OCI finds that in recent years it’s only been $1.12, and from 2015-24 only 24 per cent of blended finance for the energy transition was private money. Even if governments meet their promises for climate aid, low- and middle-income countries excluding China will reach only two-thirds of the level needed to keep global temperatures within the 1.5C target.Within the overall green transition for all countries, which two sectors have managed to reach even 50 per cent of the financing requirement? Electric vehicles and renewable energy. And what do they have in common? Rich governments have shovelled consumer subsidies (Bidenomics and the EU Green Deal) at them. QED. Public subsidies work.Now, let’s be fair about this: the international financial institutions themselves are well aware of the problems with private financing. Last October I wrote about the difficulties of getting private finance for developing-country infrastructure. The next month (I’m recounting a chronological sequence here, not claiming some causal link) Ajay Banga, president of the World Bank, dropped by the FT and told us: “It is not a panacea for everything. This idea that the trillions are waiting in the private sector to rush into the development of a poor emerging market country — that’s not what I’m telling you.”Yet what are the institutions supposed to do? Unless they start doing some tricky financial juggling with their balance sheets, which is likely to make shareholder governments very nervous, they can’t make the global pot of climate assistance bigger by force of will. They can make the case for more aid from rich governments and, like Oil Change International, they can present good evidence that public money is a non-negotiable part of the green transition for emerging markets. Banga is obviously right; OCI is obviously right. But governments aren’t delivering.Charted watersThere are a few emerging markets that can be relied on to do badly however benign the external environment, and Venezuela in recent times is certainly one of them. Inflation has surged after the government was forced to abandon an exchange rate peg in October. It has now taken to going after people who diss its policies and the economy, which is bound to work.Trade linksThe FT’s Free Lunch column argues that Trump’s immigration policies could hurt the US economy more than his tariffs. Whatever trade deal Trump reckons he’s put together with China, Chinese companies are still busy reducing their dependence on exports to the US.China has said it will cut tariffs on imports from almost all African countries, in an attempt to burnish its not-exactly-spotless record as a friend to the developing world.Meanwhile, China definitely isn’t flavour of the month in Brussels, which has cancelled a meeting ahead of a leaders’ summit next month because of the lack of progress on resolving various trade disputes.The think-tank Center for a New American Security looks at the prospects for the Asia-Pacific Quad group (Australia, India, Japan and the US) to expand its role, including in trade.Trade Secrets is edited by Harvey NriapiaRecommended newsletters for youChris Giles on Central Banks — Vital news and views on what central banks are thinking, inflation, interest rates and money. Sign up hereFT Swamp Notes — Expert insight on the intersection of money and power in US politics. 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    UK output price inflation hits 4-year low, survey shows

    Unlock the Editor’s Digest for freeRoula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.The rise in average prices charged by UK businesses was the slowest in more than four years in June, as companies continued to shed jobs and economic activity remained subdued, according to a closely watched survey.The S&P Global flash UK PMI index of monthly growth of price charged by businesses fell to 53.2 in June, from 55.4 in the previous month, the lowest since January 2021. The latest reading was well below a peak of nearly 70 registered in 2022 and was close to 50, indicating no change, and could strengthen the case for the Bank of England to cut interest rates further at its next meeting in August.“Rate setters will be relieved to see that the ‘awful April’ of indexed and government-set price increases, payrolls tax hikes, and a large jump in the minimum wage are demonstrating limited persistence so far,” said Elliott Jordan-Doak, economist at Pantheon Macroeconomics. He said easing output price growth was consistent with services inflation slowing from 4.7 per cent in May to a projected 3 per cent in six months.The data “should reassure the bank that it can continue cutting interest rates at the current pace of one 25 basis points rate cut per quarter”, given that employment is falling, he added. Markets are split on whether the BoE will cut rates from 4.25 per cent at its next meeting on August 7, after holding steady in June. Since summer 2023, the BoE has delivered four rate cuts.The survey, conducted from June 12-19, also showed input costs rising more slowly, but still outpacing output prices, suggesting little evidence of higher energy prices pushing up input prices.The survey’s headline composite output index, a measure of monthly growth in the private sector, rose only marginally to 50.7 in June from 50.3 in the previous month.“The UK economy remained in a sluggish state at the end of the second quarter,” said Chris Williamson, chief business economist at S&P Global Market Intelligence. He said the reading was consistent with GDP growth rising only by 0.1 per cent in the second quarter, a marked slowdown from the 0.7 per cent registered in the first three months.Employment fell for the ninth month in a row, as manufacturers reported another drop in overseas orders, linked to US tariffs and geopolitical uncertainty. “Although June’s composite PMI is consistent with GDP flatlining in Q2, the Bank of England will be reassured that the recent cooling in the labour market finally appears to be weighing on services prices,” said Alex Kerr, economist at the consultancy Capital Economics. More