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    Coca-Cola sales under pressure from Trump’s ‘America First’ policies

    Unlock the White House Watch newsletter for freeYour guide to what Trump’s second term means for Washington, business and the worldConsumers in Denmark and Mexico, as well as some in the US, are drinking less Coca-Cola as a result of President Donald Trump’s hardline foreign policies and his tough stance on immigration.Danish consumers are boycotting Coca-Cola amid anger at Trump’s threats to take Denmark’s territory of Greenland. Meanwhile, Coca-Cola attributed a slowdown in consumption in Mexico partly to geopolitical tensions, and Hispanic customers in the US bought less as the White House threatens mass deportations of immigrants.Carlsberg, which bottles Coca-Cola in Denmark, on Tuesday said volumes of the American soft drink were “slightly down” in the country.“There is a level of consumer boycott around the US brands . . . and it’s the only market where we’re seeing that to a large extent,” chief executive Jacob Aarup-Andersen said on Tuesday. US vice-president JD Vance has accused Denmark of not being “a good ally” despite Danish forces having fought alongside American troops in Afghanistan and elsewhere.“Danes are pissed off. They remember those Danish soldiers’ bodies coming home, and now they feel disrespected. You can see why calls for a boycott [of US goods] would be popular,” one Danish official told the Financial Times last month.The US vice-president has caused upset after he said Denmark was not a good ally, despite Danish soldiers having died while fighting alongside US troops in Afghanistan More

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    Why the US will lose against China

    .css-13hw3ep{margin-bottom:var(–o3-spacing-s);}.css-eh7lb7{margin:0;}Join FT EditOnly .css-79fz17{-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;}$4.99 per month.css-1h69zf4{margin:0;white-space:pre-wrap;font-family:var(–o3-type-body-base-font-family);font-weight:var(–o3-type-body-base-font-weight);font-size:var(–o3-type-body-base-font-size);line-height:var(–o3-type-body-base-line-height);color:var(–o3-color-use-case-support-inverse-text);}Access to eight surprising articles a day, hand-picked by FT editors. For seamless reading, access content via the FT Edit page on FT.com and receive the FT Edit newsletter. More

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    The UK’s inflation figures were wrong and now we just have to live with that

    It’s been two long weeks since we last wrote about the Office for National Statistics.Luckily, the stats gang have done some posting of their own in the meantime, offering an update on efforts to integrate groceries scanner data into Britain’s inflation figures.If you’ve been living under a rock and missed out on this major news, the ONS has been trying — for some time — to impute prices gathered from scanners in order to observe a lot of prices, rather than their traditional system of observing less of a lot of prices. The other benefit of such a system is that it helps statisticians better understand the different quantities of similar products being bought, allowing them to weight items more appropriately within the overall index calculation.The other, other benefit is this: scanner data would take into account prices actually paid, rather than the current system of tracking listed.To understand why this matters, consider the Tesco Clubcard. As we recently noted, Britain’s biggest supermarket chain is a big deal when it comes to national statistics. And as any regular Tesco shopper knows, having its loyalty card — the Clubcard — is more or less obligatory to unlock its best offers (caveats).According to Kantar, Tesco currently has a 27.8 per cent share of the UK’s grocery market. According to Tesco, Clubcard sales penetration in the UK is 84 per cent. Ergo, just under a quarter of all UK grocery spending is done at Clubcard prices, and those prices are hugely important if you want to measure the real rate of inflation. But the ONS ignores Clubcard prices. Here’s an extract from its Consumer Prices Indices Technical manual, the inflation bible:Discounted and subsidised prices are only recorded if available to anyone with no conditions of sale, otherwise the non-discounted or unsubsidised price is recorded. Money-off coupons and loyalty cards are excluded.The logic here makes some sense. As the ONS puts its elsewhere, “our basic collection practice is to only consider discounts if they are available to all”. And of course Clubcard prices are only available to the great many people who join that club (basically trading their data for discounts).But in terms of capturing inflation in terms of the change in how much people are actually paying for goods, it’s a mess.The ONS was asked about this in a freedom of information request summer before last. In response, they said:[At] the end of 2022 we started collecting loyalty card prices alongside the prices used for live production of our consumer price statistics. We recently used this data to conduct an informal (internal) analysis to judge the effect loyalty card discounts would have on our inflation measures if they were included. This exercise did not produce evidence that a hypothetical index created by using the discount prices would be materially different to published CPI at the headline or divisional level.In short, they found Clubcard prices don’t matter.The scanner data was supposed to be introduced in March this year, but this is the ONS we’re talking about, so because reasons they’re now scheduled to land in March next year.The ONS offered some initial indications of the change’s impact in January (written up by Chris Giles here). And this morning, it offered a little more.We have produced indicative estimates of the impact of introducing groceries scanner data into UK consumer price statistics; estimates are subject to change following further quality assurance.So says “Transformation of UK consumer price statistics, groceries scanner data analysis: April 2025”. It adds:The average indicative change to the Consumer Prices Index (CPI) annual rate from the introduction of groceries scanner data between January 2019 and June 2024 was negative 0.04 percentage points; this already adjusts for the changes we introduced in February 2025.Now, 0.04 percentage points doesn’t seem like much. And, sure, often the difference seems to have been quite small overall across that period.But we have to take issue with this.Firstly, showing an absolute change over a long period of time seems bound to produce a fairly small number, given you might expect adjustments to occur in both directions. Also, a 2019–2024 window slightly dilutes the whole intense inflation wave (with its weird dynamics) we had in the middle of the period studied.Secondly — as the ONS data shows but doesn’t really dwell upon — even if the overall average change is small, some of the changes have been pretty big. Here’s a chart from the ONS release:The version in their article is responsive, so it’s not hard to see the precise data on-site, but to us this still qualifies as a certified Axis of Evil™. By showing the two compounded 12-month rates (the lines) on the same axis as the spread between them (the columns), you make those columns look small. And as another chart further down the article shows, those columns ought to feel big:Headline CPI would have been a quarter of a percentage point lower in March 2024 using this data. Let’s cast our minds back to how mainFT covered that month’s CPI figure at the time:Consumer prices rose at an annual rate of 3.2 per cent in March, down from 3.4 per cent in February, the Office for National Statistics said on Wednesday. The figure was slightly higher than the 3.1 per cent forecast by economists polled by Reuters and the Bank of England and above the BoE’s 2 per cent target. Traders in swaps markets are now betting that the BoE will begin reducing its benchmark rate from a 16-year high of 5.25 per cent in either September or November, having fully priced in a cut for September before the ONS release.With its “improved methods”, the ONS now thinks the year-on-year change in CPI that March was 3.1 per cent. Adjust for the scanners, and that becomes 2.8 per cent — 0.4pp below the originally-reported figure.That is a big swing! This is a big deal! It’s clearly materially different*, and — assuming it is actually truer to the reality of inflation — it remains materially significant that the ONS is taking so long to get this improved methodology in place.As FTAV Friday charts quiz T-shirt owner Gregory Boggis points out on X:£2.8tr national debt, a quarter inflation linked, overstating inflation by 20bps costs £1.4bn (not taking into account public pay settlements) or about the savings from the winter fuel allowance.https://t.co/kHrFbAWTDI— Gregory Boggis (@Gregoryboggis) April 29, 2025

    Let’s just be glad the UK never makes major spending decisions based on a few billion pounds of fiscal swing.* OK, OK, obviously it wouldn’t have mattered because markets are perfectly efficient and therefore have already priced in any and all errors that might occur in the ONS’s CPI calculations. More

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    Trump tariffs will push up bad loans for lenders, BoE warns

    Unlock the White House Watch newsletter for freeYour guide to what Trump’s second term means for Washington, business and the worldThe Bank of England’s top financial supervisor has said it is monitoring the impact on lenders of Donald Trump’s sweeping tariffs, with an expected economic slowdown likely to lead to higher provisions for loan defaults. Sam Woods, chief executive of the BoE’s Prudential Regulation Authority, said the regulator had stepped up monitoring of banks during the market volatility triggered by the US president’s “liberation day” tariffs, without yet moving to the “highest level” of requiring daily liquidity reports from lenders.“We are watching it [the effect of tariffs] very closely,” Woods told the House of Commons Treasury select committee on Tuesday. “The thing we are watching for next is also what will be the macro impact of all this.”“I think it will be interesting to see whether our banks in the next period choose to provide more for a different economic environment because they do forward-looking provisions now,” said Woods, who is also a BoE deputy governor. “So that is where our focus is at the moment.”HSBC on Tuesday took a $150mn hit to reflect increased economic uncertainty, as part of the overall $876mn charge for bad loans that the bank recorded in the first quarter of this year, slightly higher than analysts’ forecasts. The IMF last week cut its UK growth forecasts from 1.6 per cent to 1.1 per cent for this year, as it warned of widespread economic disruption from a US-driven surge in trade barriers around the world.Shares in some British banks dropped as much as 20 per cent in response to Trump’s tariff announcements, and Woods said it was “unusual for us to have that much value wiped off the value of our banks”. But he added that those share prices had mostly recovered since Trump delayed the tariffs, and that the PRA had seen few signs of the sell-off causing investors or consumers to lose confidence in lenders.“What we really watch for is the risk of contagion into funding,” he said. “That is what we really care about and we didn’t really see any sign of that.”Trump’s tariff announcements had “created quite a dent in the way the US is seen by both regulators and investors”, said Woods, who was in Washington last week for the IMF and World Bank Spring meetings.He highlighted a “quite concerning” sell-off in both the US dollar and in US government bonds that followed Trump’s tariff announcement, along with a drop in share prices. “Normally we see the opposite in these risk-off types of conditions,” Woods said. “Normally we see a flight into these assets.”He added: “We are asking ourselves the question: what would happen if there was a more fundamental drop in appetite for either dollar-denominated assets, or US assets, or Treasuries, or some version of that?”The PRA chief said he had also been concerned that the US could ditch the bank capital rules agreed with other regulators at the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision after a speech by US Treasury secretary Scott Bessent on April 9.Bessent said: “We should not outsource decision making for the United States to international bodies.” He added that where the Basel standards “can provide inspiration” the US could “borrow selectively from them”. However, Woods said he had since been “very roundly reassured” by figures in both the US private and public sectors that “that was not the right way to read that speech”.The UK has postponed implementation of the Basel rules while it waits for clarity on the US position under Trump. The EU has delayed part of the Basel rules for the financial market trading activities of banks and is expected to postpone these again this year.Woods said it was “a benefit of Brexit” that the UK could “move much faster than the EU”. But he added that the UK was in “regular dialogue” with the EU on implementing the reforms and “one byproduct” of Trump’s tariffs was that the warmth of these relations “is increasing quite considerably”. More

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    Warsh delivers Fed a blast of cold heir

    This article is an on-site version of our Chris Giles on Central Banks newsletter. Premium subscribers can sign up here to get the newsletter delivered every Tuesday. Standard subscribers can upgrade to Premium here, or explore all FT newslettersKevin Warsh, the presumptive heir to Jay Powell as Federal Reserve chair, gave a speech last Friday acknowledging “new interest in my views” and delivering a stinging attack on the US central bank’s actions since he resigned as a governor in 2011. Too much quantitative easing, a willingness to accommodate lax fiscal policy, mission creep in going green and helping the poor had led to the recent inflation, he said. That and other failings had left the Fed licking its wounds, nursing lost credibility and “generating worse outcomes for our citizens”. Warsh said his speech was a “love letter” to the Fed. But when someone says that the world’s problems come from “inside the four walls of our most important economic institutions” and talks of US central bankers as “pampered princes” that deserved “opprobrium” for failing to contain inflation, it does not sound entirely constructive to my ears. Of course, this was a job application. So let’s constructively critique the speech and ask what a Warsh-led Fed would look like. The good, the exaggerations and what was missing I have an enormous amount of time for much of the critique Warsh was making. Central bankers need humility, should not be pampered in public life, require robust oversight and, indeed, opprobrium if they err. There has been a pervasive tendency in these institutions, not just in the US, to pass the buck on the recent inflation. There has been mission creep into areas outside central banks’ core functions, which undermines both their legitimacy and democracy itself. Warsh was entirely correct to criticise central bankers’ choosing to promote group interests ahead of their mandates to control prices. But we should not exaggerate these problems, as Warsh clearly did. When there is a US president blowing up the postwar, rules-based economic system and the world has suffered a once-in-a-century pandemic, it is just weird to say the main problems come from within economic institutions such as the Fed. Even though Warsh is correct to chide central bankers for denying that the purpose of quantitative easing was to facilitate greater government borrowing and stimulus, he is simply wrong to say that Fed officials “did not call for fiscal discipline at the time of sustained growth and full employment”. Powell has repeatedly said US fiscal policy is “on an unsustainable path . . . and we know we have to change that” (26 mins 55 seconds, for one example).Warsh cites the Fed’s following of fashion on environmental concerns as something that has undermined its legitimacy. But the Fed being a member of the Network for Greening the Financial System between 2020 and 2025, a body that has done precious little, is barely a misdemeanour, and has had no effect on its credibility. And when put to the financial market test over the past two weeks, far from the Fed needing to “mitigate losses of credibility”, it has been the executive branch of the US government — and in particular, the president — whose credibility has been shown to be deficient. Exaggerations are inevitably part of a polemic and understandable in a job application. More concerning was what was missing. Warsh made no attempt to paint an analytical counterfactual apart from to assert that the world would be better now if the Fed had not made all the mistakes he outlined. How much higher would interest rates have needed to rise in 2020 and 2021 to offset government spending and curb inflation? Would this have worked? Are all the analyses that suggest the price rises were impossible to avoid without unacceptable trade-offs wrong? Why?There was no attempt to address these questions. Hawkish heirSo what would Warsh’s Fed look like?The first conclusion must be that it would be more hawkish. Donald Trump might not know this, but Warsh is with the public on inflation. He hates it and would not want it on his watch. Second, it would be more limited in its scope. This would keep the Fed glued to its mandate — and that would be welcome.Third, it would probably be more transparent. Warsh conducted an exemplary review of Bank of England transparency in 2014, which has stood the test of time. Fourth, and this is my supposition, a Warsh-led Fed would start off with the certainties of his speech, but soon find that ambiguities, nuances and trade-offs were in order. What does the IMF expect from tariffs?I have always found it more useful to discuss the things we actually know and the way we think about uncertain events, rather than just talking about what we do not know. In and around the IMF and World Bank spring meetings, central bankers have been doing just that. Those outside the US think Trump’s tariffs generally represent a disinflationary shock to demand that will depress spending and output. This seems to be the settled view at present in the European Central Bank, with President Christine Lagarde having said tariffs were likely to be “disinflationary more than inflationary”. BoE governor Andrew Bailey agreed, and talked about a “growth shock”. Bank of Japan governor Kazuo Ueda said he shared the view of tariffs as a jolt to business confidence. With a stagflationary shock to deal with, Fed officials have been understandably more vague.The IMF had the unenviable job of quantifying the tariff effect on the global economy last week. Its basic position was unarguable. Tariffs would cut growth worldwide and raise inflation in the US. Fund officials talked up the changes in its forecasts with Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, its chief economist. They said the world economy had entered a new era with the largest imposition of tariffs in a century, that would “greatly impact global trade” and “slow global growth significantly”. The most notable dissent from this stance, however, came from the IMF’s own forecasts, which do not tally with these comments. As the chart below shows, the volume of forecast US goods imports is stable as a proportion of US GDP and rising in real terms every year. Tariffs just are not that consequential in the IMF’s models. In contrast, the Tax Foundation expects US imports to fall 23 per cent. Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.Sure, IMF officials have told me that its forecasts have goods declining as a share of nominal GDP. But that itself has interesting implications. If the IMF thinks the volume of US goods imports will rise under tariffs, but the value of those goods will rise at a slower rate, the unit price of US imports (excluding tariffs) falls. Evidence suggests otherwise, although this forecast will put the IMF in the Trump administration’s good books. I don’t want to bang on about IMF forecasts, but I am unconvinced that the following chart demonstrates a “new era” for global trade warnings from IMF officials.Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.What I’ve been reading and watchingA chart that mattersThe chart below shows US customs and excise revenues growing faster this year as a result of tariffs, courtesy of Erica York at the Tax Foundation. Trump is right that billions in revenues are flowing into the US Treasury, although not $2bn a day as he likes to claim. He is even more wrong about the tariff revenues being large. Some of the increase will decrease profits, limiting other tax revenues. Tariffs will also deter imports. Another way to scale the revenues is to estimate an annual total. Let’s say customs duties raise $200bn to $300bn in a full year (higher than most estimates). These pale into insignificance compared with US individual income taxes, which are set to raise $2.7tn.Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.Recommended newsletters for you Free Lunch — Your guide to the global economic policy debate. Sign up hereThe Lex Newsletter — Lex, our investment column, breaks down the week’s key themes, with analysis by award-winning writers. Sign up here More

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    GM pauses share buybacks over Trump tariff uncertainty

    Unlock the White House Watch newsletter for freeYour guide to what Trump’s second term means for Washington, business and the worldGeneral Motors has temporarily suspended share buybacks and warned investors that its previous annual guidance can no longer “be relied upon” owing to the uncertainty caused by Donald Trump’s tariff war.The American auto industry has been lobbying hard for a reprieve after the US president imposed a 25 per cent tariff earlier this month on all imports of foreign-made cars, excluding some exemptions for Mexico and Canada. A separate 25 per cent levy on parts is also due to take effect from May 3. In January, GM said it was expecting to report adjusted operating earnings of between $13.7bn and $15.7bn for the full year, with net income between $11.2bn and $12.5bn. It said at the time that the guidance did not account for any policy changes the administration might make on tariffs. The company said on Tuesday it was abandoning that outlook, as it reported a 9.8 per cent drop in first-quarter adjusted profits, and was not yet able to calculate the impact of the tariffs owing to their “evolving nature”.“We believe the future impact of tariffs could be significant,” said chief financial officer Paul Jacobson. “We have temporarily suspended any buyback activity until we have more clarity.” Carmakers in the US are set to be hit hard by tariffs, with almost half of vehicles sold in the country imported from other countries, triggering intense lobbying from the sector. The Financial Times reported last week that Trump was planning to spare auto groups from some of his most onerous tariffs, such as those on steel and aluminium — in a so-called destacking of the duties. Following further news reports on Monday, GM delayed its analyst call that was scheduled for Tuesday until Thursday. GM chief executive Mary Barra said: “We believe the president’s leadership is helping level the playing field for companies like GM and allowing us to invest more in the US economy.”GM reported adjusted earnings of $3.5bn before interest and tax in the first quarter, down 9.8 per cent year on year, on a 2.3 per cent rise in revenue to $44bn — slightly higher than the average analyst estimate, according to S&P Capital IQ.The decline in profits came even as US car sales surged 17 per cent during the first quarter as consumers stampeded to dealer showrooms to buy ahead of the tariffs. Analysts estimate the latest levies could raise the price of a new vehicle between $4,000 and $10,000, depending on the model.GM is widely considered the Detroit Three carmaker most exposed to the tariffs because of its wider operations in Canada and Mexico. It makes about half the vehicles it sells in the US in the two neighbouring countries, including its popular Chevrolet Silverado pick-up truck. It also imports vehicles it sells in the US from South Korea. To mitigate the tariffs, GM has said it plans to increase production of full-size pick-up trucks at its assembly plant near Fort Wayne, Indiana, by about 50,000 units a year. Bernstein analysts expect the tariffs to start affecting financials from May for vehicles and June for parts as inventories wind down, culminating in a $4.5bn hit to GM’s earnings before interest and taxes next year. More

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    Mark Carney: democracy’s unTrump

    Unlock the White House Watch newsletter for freeYour guide to what Trump’s second term means for Washington, business and the world“I would like to thank Donald Trump without whom this would not have been possible.” Mark Carney, Canada’s 24th prime minister, was too tactful on Monday to actually give the US president credit for his party’s return to office. But it is the Lord’s truth. By coveting Canada’s sovereignty, Trump turned the semi-Trumpian Conservative party’s projected landslide into defeat in the space of weeks. Not bad for the US president’s first 100 days. He might do a similar favour for Australia’s incumbent Labor party this weekend without even threatening to annex the country. But Carney deserves credit for nailing his opponent Pierre Poilievre to the Trumpian mast. Instead of Poilievre’s me-too “Canada First”, Carney proclaimed “Canada Strong”. He did so while also distancing himself from Justin Trudeau, his deeply unpopular predecessor as Liberal prime minister. There are lessons here for Democrats. Had Kamala Harris thrown Joe Biden under the bus with the same dispatch as Carney did to Trudeau, she may have defeated Trump last November. Most of all, Carney showed that non-populists can win in the right conditions — in this case as foil to the world’s chief populist.Full disclosure: I have known Carney since the early 1990s. Though his skills as an economist and central banker were clear, Monday was the first time he stood for election. He turned 60 last month, two days after replacing Trudeau. It is hard to overstate how improbable this looked a few months ago. Carney worked for Goldman Sachs in London and New York. Then he headed the Bank of Canada. After that he became governor of the Bank of England. Then he joined a global investment firm. He promoted ESG at the UN — two abbreviations that would normally debar him from impolite company. If globalism had a name and a face, it would be Carney’s. Only Trump could have converted these millstones into wings. In that respect, America’s 47th president plays unwitting ally to democracy everywhere except at home. He gave Canada’s median voter a crash course in the merits of rules-based internationalism. As the only person to have run two G7 central banks, Carney can claim to know how the global economy works. Canada, like the EU, Mexico and most other countries, has suddenly awoken to the perils of a renegade America. If the US president can threaten the sovereignty of its neighbour and loyal ally, which country is safe?There are two broader Trump-handling takeaways. The first is that obeisance costs more. Not only does Trump disrespect sycophants, he goes out of his way to humiliate them. That also applies to foreign leaders. Trudeau got on a plane to Palm Beach in November when Trump first threatened tariffs on America’s neighbours. Mexico’s leader, Claudia Sheinbaum, did not make the trek. Trump speaks of her with respect; he kept taunting Trudeau as “governor of the 51st state”. Leaders tempted to cut hasty side-deals with Trump should beware. His signature is not binding. Nor will voters necessarily reward them for cosying up to him. Famously commonsensical Canada reminds us that some things — patriotism, dignity — can be valued higher than short-term growth.The second is that Trump is bad for Trumpians. Poilievre sold himself as a milder version of Trump. Peter Dutton, leader of Australia’s (conservative) Liberal party, has done so more brashly. Both locked themselves into a cage of someone else’s making. When Trump took steps to harm their nations’ economies, they could not easily repudiate him. Even low information voters know a flip-flopper when they see one.Other rightwing leaders, notably Italy’s Giorgia Meloni, are resisting a full embrace of Trump. Britain’s Sir Keir Starmer should also pay heed. The more he can depict the populist Reform UK’s Nigel Farage as Trump’s stooge, the tougher his implicit criticism of Trump. Alternatively, Starmer might strike a tariff deal that flattered Trump but could alienate Britain’s friends and partners. It would take guts — but not an unrealistic level of skill — for Starmer to paint both Brexit parties, including the opposition Conservatives, as stooges of a foreign strongman.Therein lies Trumpism’s self-detonating core. Just as Trump is dismissive of allies, he has no loyalty to friends. A large share of congressional Republicans back him out of fear, not devotion. Here again, Trump is providing the world with a crash course. The best way of redeeming the vow of “America [or Canada, Brazil, Britain, Italy, Mexico etc] First” is to play nicely with others. Power and prosperity are multiplied by friends. [email protected] More

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    Spotify adds subscribers as music lovers tune out Trump tariff ‘noise’

    Unlock the Editor’s Digest for freeRoula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.Spotify added 5mn paying subscribers in the first three months of the year, even as chief executive Daniel Ek warned about the “short-term noise” around US President Donald Trump’s tariffs. The music-streaming group reached 268mn paying subscribers in the quarter ending March 31, higher than Spotify’s guidance for 265mn. The performance was Spotify’s strongest first-quarter subscriber growth since 2020. “The short term may bring some noise, but we remain confident in the long-term story,” said Ek, adding that Spotify’s free version would offer listeners “the flexibility to stay with us even when things feel more uncertain”. But shares in the company fell almost 8 per cent in pre-market trade on Tuesday, as investors digested its forecasts for the year. Spotify said it expected monthly active users of 689mn in the second quarter, below the 693mn that analysts had forecast, according to Visible Alpha. Spotify’s stock has more than doubled in the past year, as Wall Street rewarded the group for a cost-cutting push that resulted in its first-ever full-year of profit in 2024.Music-streaming services are not affected by Trump’s tariffs, and analysts say that Spotify is relatively shielded from an economic downturn. The group made €225mn in net income on €4.2bn in revenue during the quarter.In the US, Spotify costs $12 a month, compared with $10 a month when the streamer launched in the country more than a decade ago. Spotify was preparing to raise prices in dozens of countries across Europe and Latin America this summer, the Financial Times reported last week. TD Cowen analyst Doug Creutz said Spotify still offered good value for consumers relative to “other entertainment options” and would be “unlikely to see meaningful increases in [cancellations] even if the economy goes into recession”. “People also have important emotional connections to music that become more important during times of stress,” Creutz added.  However, analysts expect that a recession would dent Spotify’s advertising revenue, which makes up about 10 per cent of the total. Spotify’s first-quarter advertising revenue climbed 8 per cent from a year ago, to €419mn. More