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    Take Five: Rate hike vs bank stress

    Here’s a look at the week ahead in markets from Ira Iosebashvili and Lewis Krauskopf in New York, Dhara Ranasinghe and Amanda Cooper in London, and Kevin Buckland in Tokyo.1/ONE AND DONE?The Fed is expected to deliver another 25-basis point interest rate increase on Wednesday and signal a pause in its most aggressive rate-hiking cycle since the 1980s.Policymakers and markets remain at odds over the rates trajectory: The world’s top central bank projects borrowing costs to remain at around current levels through 2023, investors are betting on cuts after the summer. Signs the Fed may be coming around to the market’s view could push Treasury yields lower – in theory benefiting the big megacap stocks that led markets higher this year.Futures markets show investors pricing an nearly 90% chance of a rate increase. But confidence in a 25 bps rate hike has wavered in recent days after problems at lender First Republic reignited concerns over the U.S. banking sector.2/FRANKFURT’S NO.7 The ECB will likely lift rates for a seventh straight time on May 4 and policymakers appear to be converging on a 25 bps hike rather than a larger 50-bp increase. Yet, key inflation and bank lending data releases in the days ahead could sway that outcome.With some stability returning to the banking sector after the March rout, hawks may feel confident pushing for a large hike. Tuesday’s flash April inflation data is likely to confirm underlying price pressures – running above 5% – remains uncomfortably high. Some 2.5 million employees in Germany’s public sector will get a 5.5% permanent increase next year, a sign that wage pressures are picking up.But if bank lending data, also out Tuesday, shows credit conditions have tightened substantially, doves could feel emboldened to push back. 3/BIG APPLE    The U.S. corporate earnings season reaches a crescendo on Thursday with results from Apple, the largest U.S. company by market value at $2.6 trillion.    Along with other megacap stocks, Apple has led the S&P 500’s rally in 2023, giving the company even more heft in indexes. Apple’s over-7% weight in the S&P 500 is bigger than the entire energy sector and nearly matches the consumer staples group. The iPhone maker is expected to post $93 billion in revenue for its fiscal second quarter – a 4.4% drop year-on-year, Refinitiv data shows. Analysts expect a nearly 6% drop in earnings per share to $1.43.    The report from Apple, whose widely used products and services include MacBooks and iPads but also banking, is a gauge for global consumer demand and its results stand to ripple through markets given its importance to a number of industries.     4/PAUSE PATROL    Bets for a return to policy tightening by the Reserve Bank of Australia on Tuesday have fizzled out, after a soft reading of consumer prices added to evidence that inflation peaked at the end of last year.    That has put the Aussie dollar under pressure, keeping it pinned near the closely watched $0.66-mark, even when the greenback wilted against other major peers.    RBA governor Philip Lowe has stressed a pause at the April meeting did not necessarily mean the tightening cycle is over, and minutes showed a hike was hotly debated.    Whether Lowe, whose term ends in September, will be around to oversee further moves is another question. Speculation is rife that, unlike this two predecessors, he won’t be asked to stay on.5/CREDIT WHERE CREDIT’S DUEThe UK’s 1970s-style inflation and near-zero growth isn’t a good look. There isn’t a credit crunch – yet – according to a recent Bank of England survey. But lenders expect rising defaults on consumer credit, mortgages and corporate loans. Data on Tuesday will show whether house prices are indeed moderating, and if the decline in mortgage lending is stabilising. New car sales, which in March hit 18-month highs, will also be under scrutiny.Brits loaded up on credit card debt at the fastest pace in a 24-month period since early 2006 in February and data from the BoE on Thursday will show how that trend is evolving. This kind of borrowing isn’t cheap. BoE stats show the average interest rate on a UK credit card is 22.5% – its highest since the mid-1990’s. And with more rate rises in the pipeline, the pressure is only likely to intensify.Meanwhile Prime Minister Rishi Sunak faces his first big electoral test on May 4 in local polls where the opposition Labour Party hopes to capitalise on a year of chaos for the governing Conservatives. More

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    The ECB’s inflation dilemma: can Lagarde silence her critics again?

    Christine Lagarde’s partner has asked her to stop changing jobs, the European Central Bank president likes to joke, because each time she begins a new role a major crisis seems to follow.Soon after becoming French finance minister in 2007, she found herself handling the global financial crisis for which she eventually won plaudits. After being appointed head of the IMF in 2011, the eurozone debt crisis escalated. Despite early criticism for siding with German-led austerity policies, she was admired for her calm diplomatic skills and played a key role in finding consensus on the 2012 Greek bailout that saved the euro.In the three-and-a-half years since she took charge at the ECB, the European economy has been hit by a series of calamities, including the Covid-19 pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. But views are mixed on whether she is doing a good job of responding.The Financial Times has spoken to a dozen current and former members of the ECB’s rate-setting governing council in the past few weeks as well as several economists, financiers and analysts who follow the central bank closely.Most of them praise Lagarde for rebuilding unity among ECB monetary policymakers and preventing recent economic shocks from spiralling into a financial crisis. But critics complain she lacks economic expertise, was late to react to soaring inflation and should communicate more clearly.The US Federal Reserve and Bank of England have also been blamed for letting inflation surge far above their 2 per cent targets to the highest levels since a price spiral caused by the 1970s oil shocks. But the ECB was slower than the Fed or BoE to start raising rates or to withdraw the massive monetary stimulus it deployed for much of the past decade, leaving it more open to attack.“For an independent institution, achieving its target is a large part of its accountability, so inevitably big misses are an issue even under exceptional circumstances,” says Spyros Andreopoulos, an economist at French bank BNP Paribas who worked for the ECB until 2018. “The jury is still out — the ultimate judgment may depend on whether the ECB will have to engineer a recession to bring inflation down.”But in a sense, Lagarde is on familiar territory. Ever since she gave up a successful career running US law firm Baker McKenzie to become a government minister in her native France in 2005, she has faced early brickbats before being thrust into centre stage to help defuse a global crisis. Some analysts believe there is sexism behind the carping, especially from investors. “Financial market participants are mostly men,” says one. “That partly explains it.”The question now is whether Europe’s self-styled problem solver is confronted with a fire that is impossible to extinguish swiftly.“I don’t think it was me who caused the crises,” she joked during a recent discussion with students of the elite École Polytechnique in Paris, remembering how rivals stopped calling for her to quit as French finance minister once Lehman Brothers collapsed in September 2008. “It is quite common that when the situation is very complicated, we’re not unhappy to give the reins to a woman.”Playing catch-upAt the ECB, people close to Lagarde say she is determined to prove doubters wrong by taming inflation and putting the eurozone economy back on an even keel. Lagarde could not comment for this story because the ECB meets this week and officials avoid making public remarks that could influence expectations of monetary policy decisions. She can seem dissatisfied at the bank. Having struggled to master German since arriving in Frankfurt, which was partly locked down because of the pandemic during her first two years there, she often spends free time with her family back home in France. Lagarde also misses Washington. She enjoyed her globetrotting job at the IMF more than her new role at the ECB and she thinks of the US capital as a second home after spending a year there as a teenager on an American Field Service student exchange. “The IMF misses her and I think she misses the IMF,” says a senior financier who has known Lagarde since she was based in the US and recently had lunch with her at the ECB’s still half-empty twin-tower headquarters in Germany’s financial centre. “She seems lonely, sitting up there in that big, gloomy tower with hardly anyone around.”Insiders say Lagarde regrets relying for too long on the ECB’s forecasting models showing inflation was “transitory” and would soon fall back to its target. She also wishes it had ditched the constraints of the “forward guidance” put in place by her predecessor Mario Draghi, which delayed rate rises until the central bank stopped buying more bonds in June 2022.A waiter ensures social distancing. Views are mixed over how Lagarde has responded to the economic fallout of the Covid-19 pandemic © Patrick Hertzog/AFP/Getty ImagesAs a result of these mis-steps, the ECB has decided to rely less on its forecasts, which consistently underestimated how high inflation would rise, and to scrap much of the formal guidance it gave about future policy moves. Instead it has committed to put more weight on whether underlying prices, excluding energy and food, are slowing and to what degree higher borrowing costs are squeezing bank lending and economic activity, to determine its next rate moves.These changes mean the ECB has shifted from being one of the world’s most dovish central banks — it was one of only a handful to cut interest rates below zero in the 2010s — to being one of the more hawkish: it is expected to keep raising rates for longer than either the Fed or the BoE.“The ECB made one of the worst forecasting errors ever on inflation,” says Otmar Issing, the institution’s first chief economist when it was created in 1998. “It was a brutal wake-up call, but since then they have done a U-turn and been catching up quickly. You have to give them credit for that.”Having dismissed a surge in eurozone consumer prices in late 2021 as a “hump” that would soon pass without the need for rate hikes, Lagarde has adopted a more determined stance since Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine, unleashing an energy crisis and double-digit price rises. This year she called inflation a “monster that we need to knock on the head”. The ECB has raised borrowing costs at an unprecedented rate, lifting its deposit rate from minus 0.5 per cent last July to 3 per cent last month. At a meeting in Frankfurt on May 4, its governing council is widely expected to agree on another increase. “They were too late to act when the Ukraine war started, energy prices shot up and there was little doubt inflation would become entrenched,” says Maria Demertzis, an economic policy professor at the European University Institute in Florence. “So now they are playing catch-up and cannot back down easily.”The worry for some analysts is that having been chided for being too slow to react to inflation, the ECB will now raise rates too high. Dovish council members are urging it to move cautiously, warning that its rate rises only act on inflation with a lag of at least a year. “We will only know in six months if we have done enough,” says one.“Because they have been criticised so much for starting late, and they are only human, they may respond by doing too much,” says Silvia Ardagna, chief European economist at UK bank Barclays. “They don’t have an easy job at all.”Some analysts think the council will slow the pace of rate rises to a quarter percentage point this week, reflecting growing uncertainty over how quickly inflation will fall. But Isabel Schnabel, the most hawkish member of the ECB’s executive board who has become an influential voice on policy, has said it could stick to a half-point rise if the data supports it.The size of this week’s move may hinge on figures to be published on Tuesday, showing the path of eurozone inflation in April as well as what banks in the bloc told the ECB about their lending plans in its latest survey of the sector.The behaviour of banks is being closely watched by central bankers because of the recent turmoil in the sector which triggered the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank in the US and pushed Credit Suisse into the arms of its rival UBS. Eurozone banks have so far proved resilient to the jitters — despite a worrying but shortlived drop in Deutsche Bank shares in late March. Lagarde has adopted a more determined stance on rate hikes since Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine, unleashing an energy crisis and double-digit price rises © Dimitar Dilkoff/AFP/Getty ImagesBut the upheaval is likely to intensify the contraction of credit supply that had already started in response to rising borrowing costs, leading to a record fall in demand for eurozone mortgages in the final months of last year. Economists say this will slow economic activity and lower inflation, reducing the amount of additional rate rises the ECB needs to do.“After the shock of what has happened, banks are going to be much more cautious today,” says Lorenzo Bini Smaghi, chair of French bank Société Générale and former ECB executive board member. “My concern is that if the ECB keep squeezing the financial system too much it may lead to a credit crunch.”These concerns are mostly falling on deaf ears among eurozone rate-setters, who pushed ahead with a half-point rate rise in March only a week after Silicon Valley Bank’s collapse and while Credit Suisse was still locked in talks about a rescue deal. “These banks tend to overplay their own importance and assume we are playing to their tune,” says one ECB council member. “I don’t see these fears persuading us to focus less on fighting inflation.”The owl’s perspectiveThis robust attitude reflects Lagarde’s decision to distance herself more from financial markets than her predecessor Draghi, who won plaudits from investors for promising to do “whatever it takes” to save the euro during a debt crisis a decade ago.“Some of them at the ECB seem to think what happens in financial markets doesn’t really matter,” says Stefan Gerlach, a former deputy governor of the Central Bank of Ireland who is now chief economist at Swiss bank EFG. “But I think they are underestimating this risk and it could end badly.”Lagarde’s coolness towards financial markets has created a frosty relationship with analysts and investors, who privately moan about her lack of economics training, vague communications and even her tendency to read back official statements in response to questions at press conferences. The ECB president has been irritated by the barbs, colleagues say. She has pointed out that neither Fed chair Jerome Powell nor BoE governor Andrew Bailey studied economics. While Draghi did an economics doctorate at MIT, Lagarde has watched footage of her predecessor to find that he read at least as much from pre-prepared statements as she does. Some central bank watchers see sexist double standards at work. Realising she would not be able to dominate debates on monetary policy, Lagarde chose a different leadership style to Draghi. Eschewing the labels of “hawk” or “dove”, she describes herself as an “owl” sitting above the fray to bring rate-setters with diverging positions together around a common policy decision and then explaining it.Lagarde chose to adopt a different management style at the ECB from her predecessor Mario Draghi © Bernd Kammerer/Getty Images“Lagarde doesn’t lead in the same way, rather it seems she manages the governing council,” says Erik Nielsen, chief economics adviser at Italian bank UniCredit. “She doesn’t have a preset idea of where to go; she has an exceptionally good political ear, reads the room and manages to bring them to a decision.”Team spirit was in short supply when Lagarde took over at the ECB. Many council members had publicly attacked the decision to cut rates and restart bond purchases at one of Draghi’s last council meetings. Council members praise Lagarde’s ability to win broad support for carefully constructed compromises even if they don’t always agree with every element. “Christine Lagarde is doing an excellent job,” Joachim Nagel, head of Germany’s central bank, told the FT recently. “She brings people with different views together to reach good decisions on a common monetary policy.”To build unity, Lagarde holds a regular call with the heads of the German, French, Italian, Spanish and Dutch central banks to discuss big moves before each policy meeting, while she or her chief economist Philip Lane also contact the 15 other national governors.However, some council members think her drive for togetherness is concealing subtle shifts in their debate. “Where there is room for discussion is if there is too much consensus,” Pierre Wunsch, head of Belgium’s central bank, tells the FT. “I think it removes relevant information from the market.” ECB watchers say this partly explains why Lagarde sometimes surprises the market. “It is harder to communicate with one voice when there is a whole range of views out there,” says Jens Eisenschmidt, chief Europe economist at US bank Morgan Stanley who worked at the ECB until last year. “This makes it harder for the market to know what their next steps are and the precision of communication can suffer.”Knowing when to stopThe closer the ECB gets to pausing its rate rises, the harder it will be for Lagarde to maintain unity. Already in March, there were a handful of dissenters who worried that raising rates was risky because of the banking turmoil. Its ultimate decision was attacked by both rightwing Italian politicians and left-leaning European trade union officials. “It was relatively easy to agree on the need to raise rates to current levels, but it will get harder to deliver consensus as you have more cross-currents now,” says Sven Jari Stehn, chief Europe economist at US bank Goldman Sachs.He expects Lagarde to use a combination of other tools to win support for rate decisions, such as committing to further hikes, promising not to cut them for a period after pausing, or agreeing to speed up the shrinkage of the ECB’s balance sheet.The eurozone economy expanded 0.1 per cent in the first quarter of the year, weaker than forecast but an improvement from stagnation at the end of 2022. Economists say this rebound, despite last year’s energy shock and the sharp rise in borrowing costs, reflects a build-up of excess savings during the pandemic, a boost from generous government subsidies and the recovery of global trade.While headline inflation has fallen for five consecutive months since peaking at a eurozone record of 10.6 per cent in October, the resilience of the economy coupled with rising profit margins and wages has kept core price pressures going up after excluding energy and food.Veteran central bankers sympathise with the ECB’s challenge of deciding when to stop raising rates, which they expect to test Lagarde’s leadership skills to their limits. “We have a war in Ukraine, globalisation has slowed, supply chains are changing — to mention only a few factors,” says Issing, one of the eurozone’s founding fathers. “It is a situation of great uncertainty, which is very difficult to interpret correctly. There is a risk of overdoing it, but the risk of letting inflation run away is more important.”Data visualisation by Keith Fray More

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    China, America and why not all growth is equal

    Last week was the tenth anniversary of the Rana Plaza factory collapse in Bangladesh, in which 1,100 garment workers were killed because a shoddily constructed factory collapsed on top of them. It turned out that the factory was making goods for major global brands. The managers who took the decision to outsource to unknown individuals way down the production line were just doing what Finance 101 would tell them to do: move expense off the balance sheet, and treat labour like a cost not an asset. Never mind the risks hidden in plain sight, even those that result in death and despair.That kind of thinking has been at the centre of global trade for decades. Let capital, goods and labour move where they will, even if that results in human suffering and/or the degradation of the planet. As long as share prices are going up, and consumer costs are going down, there’s no problem. Chinese labour camps in Xinjiang are perhaps the apex of this sort of thinking. How can any country, or company, compete with state-subsidised operations with few environmental safeguards that are accused of forcing slave labour to dig for silica, which is then used in solar panels, electronics and other types of goods dumped into the world at below market rates?Answer: you can’t, unless you change the economic rules of the game. The last 40 years of neoliberal economic policy gave us more global growth than ever before, lifting many millions out of poverty, but it also gave us huge amounts of in-country inequality, and numerous negative externalities. These range from forced labour to exacerbating climate change to highly fragile, concentrated supply chains which led to shortages and hyperinflation in key commodities from natural gas to rare earth minerals.Following the fallout from the war in Ukraine and the growing rivalry with China, the Biden administration, and to a certain extent the EU, has been working to shift the paradigm from efficiency to resilience. Their methods include subsidising diversity of production in semiconductors, which the market hasn’t (Ninety two per cent of all high-end semiconductors are made in Taiwan). America’s Inflation Reduction Act is designed to go even further, tackling the problem of concentration and the lack of private sector initiative in the clean energy transition. The aim is to counter a country such as China, which has both concentration in crucial areas such as rare earth minerals, along with a government that doesn’t mind using that to its own advantage. If the US and Europe want multiple sources of such common goods, they must subsidise them. The market system simply won’t compete with cheap solar panels or electric vehicles or chips on its own.Europeans have complained about the IRA, in part because it came as a surprise. Nobody, including many of us who’ve advocated for more US government involvement in the market for years, expected to see America embrace industrial strategy in our lifetimes. But the EU itself is now coming around to the fact that such programmes are the only way to deal with what private markets won’t incentivise, and to compete with states that have never played by the letter of World Trade Organization rules.US national security adviser Jake Sullivan laid out some of this new narrative in a speech last week that connected US domestic plans with foreign policy. He made it clear that the old “Washington consensus” was over — in part because it had not been able to manage the challenges of a more vulnerable financial system, fragile supply chains and working-class job losses (with the subsequent blows to democracy). Embedded in the old system, as he put it, was an assumption “that the type of growth did not matter. All growth was good growth. So, various reforms combined and came together to privilege some sectors of the economy, such as finance, while other essential sectors, like semiconductors and infrastructure, atrophied. Our industrial capacity — which is crucial to any country’s ability to continue to innovate — took a real hit.”People in this administration insist this is not about “America alone”, or even primarily about containing China (indeed the very notion that any nation could contain China is a fiction). Rather, they believe it’s about working with allies — which are being more broadly defined to include parts of the Global South — to create a system that works on the assumption that power exists and can’t be economically modelled, and that not all growth is the same. “Our objective isn’t autarky,” said Sullivan in his speech. “It’s resilience and security in our supply chains.”In a welcome shift, policymakers in Washington are also moving away from the term “decoupling” with China, and instead talking about “de-risking” both the nation and global economy, a term also used by European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen in her recent speech on China. The global trade system as it stands isn’t working well. In his speech, Sullivan talked about the US maintaining its commitment to the WTO, while also recognising the key question of today: “How does trade fit into our international economic policy, and what problems is it seeking to solve?” As I’ll argue further in future, it should start by seeking to solve the problem of concentration and competition. [email protected] More

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    Iran keeps inflation data under wraps as economic crisis deepens

    Every month for decades Iran’s statistics authorities have published the country’s latest inflation data. But for the past two months they have kept the figures under wraps — fuelling accusations that the regime is concealing evidence that prices are spiralling to record levels.The most recent figure published by the Statistical Centre of Iran put annual inflation at 47.7 per cent for the year to the end of the Iranian month of Bahman, which falls in late February. Analysts told the Financial Times that the following month, inflation possibly surpassed the 49 per cent rate reached in 1995, the highest on record.“It seems the Statistical Centre of Iran was not allowed by higher authorities to publish the inflation rate to avoid admitting that this government has broken the country’s record,” said Saeed Laylaz, a political economy analyst. “The fact is that the government has not been able to curb inflation.”The statistics authority has said the figures have simply been delayed because it is changing the base year from which the data is calculated, from seven years ago to two. But analysts noted it would be unusual to apply such a change before the year had ended. “It’s just not right to use the new base year in the last month of the year,” said one Iranian economic analyst.Reformist daily newspaper Etemad said last week the regime was “seeking to play with figures to decrease the inflation rate”.Iran’s hardline government, led by President Ebrahim Raisi, is under mounting domestic pressure to deliver on its economic promises — notably to contain prices that have soared as US sanctions imposed over the country’s nuclear ambitions have strangled the economy.Inflation was about 45 per cent when Raisi took power in 2021, but the president insisted Tehran could boost the economy without the revival of the 2015 nuclear agreement with world powers and the lifting of the sanctions.However, millions of Iranians have since slipped further into hardship. The rial has lost more than a third of its value this year, while prices continue to soar, fuelling public wrath and sparking sporadic protests. Private-sector shopkeepers say the cost of chicken has increased by about 30 per cent in the past month, although prices are lower in state-run stores. The price of the cheapest domestically produced car, the Pride model, has risen more than 20 per cent since February.“Over the past year, we have only managed to survive,” said a businesswoman who sells construction materials. “The business atmosphere is so gloomy that anyone who has merely survived is considered very successful. It’s depressing.”The price of Iran’s cheapest domestically produced car, the Pride model, has risen more than 20% since February © Atta Kenare/AFP/Getty ImagesThe government is so concerned that a cost of living crisis could stoke dissent that this year it shut down the reformist Sazandegi newspaper for more than a week after it reported the rise in lamb prices ahead of Nowruz, the Iranian new year, in March.Amid mounting dissatisfaction with the government, Raisi last month reshuffled his cabinet, replacing the vice-president for budget affairs and minister of agriculture. The education minister was also ousted following the failure to pay teachers’ salaries on time ahead of the new year. The minister of labour and central bank governor were replaced last year.Worries over the economy have sparked political infighting, with some members of parliament threatening to impeach ministers. The industry minister, who they blame for rising car prices, was impeached on Sunday. Mohsen Mehralizadeh, a reformist contender in the 2021 presidential election, wrote in a tweet last month that even if the whole cabinet were overhauled, nothing would change. “Production growth, curbing inflation and getting people out of this miserable situation have scientific solutions which you [Raisi] lack! . . . You are the one who should be replaced,” he wrote.But Raisi’s position is unlikely to be threatened, say analysts. Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who backs the president, last month called for unity, urging the government, parliament and judiciary to “be unanimous, co-operate and re-energise” each other.Hardliners, who have taken over all levers of the Iranian state in recent years and are preparing for parliamentary elections next year, are anxious not to be seen presiding over the worst inflation rate in history. The record level of 1995 came under the centrist government of late president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, whose advocacy of an open market approach hardliners see as the root cause of the current economic problems.The crisis has left Tehran reluctant to embark on economic reforms, such as cutting energy subsidies, fearing they could fuel inflation and trigger fresh unrest. An increase in the price of petrol in 2019 led to widespread protests and cost hundreds of lives.

    Public anger also remains high following months of turmoil last year over the death of a young woman, Mahsa Amini, in police custody after her arrest for failing to observe the Islamic dress code. Hundreds died in the clashes.Meanwhile the economic outlook remains bleak. In a report last month, the University of Tehran-affiliated Institute for Development and Economic Research warned that the lack of any prospect of a nuclear agreement with the US and the absence of structural reforms would have “profound impacts” in the current financial year. Inflation and unemployment were likely to climb, economic growth would decline and the rial would depreciate further, it said.For ordinary Iranians, the lack of inflation data is the least of their worries.“We don’t need figures to realise how high inflation is,” said Maryam, a 49-year-old housewife. “I feel every day how fast my purchasing power is declining, which makes me extremely worried about my family’s future.” More

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    Australia to reveal huge budget rebound, pledge restraint in response

    SYDNEY (Reuters) – Australia’s Labor government is set to reveal a vast improvement in the budget bottom line next week as its coffers bulge with tax windfalls, yet the outlook will be a sober one as fiscal challenges loom large.Treasurer Jim Chalmers has spent weeks using “restraint” and “responsible” to describe his second budget since coming to power in May last year.There will be some money to offset cost of living pressures, particularly on energy prices, and perhaps a long-delayed rise in unemployment benefits. Chalmers has flagged more support for renewable projects and a ramp up in defence spending with an eye to China’s expanding influence in the region.Yet, he is well aware that too much fiscal largesse could stoke inflation just when the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) has aggressively lifted interest rates to fight it.Instead, the aim is to bank any budget savings, and there are plenty to go around. High prices for Australia’s commodity exports have delivered a windfall from mining profits, while job gains boosted income tax and lowered welfare payments.As recently as October, Chalmers had forecast a deficit of almost A$37 billion ($24.47 billion) for the year to end June 2023. Now, analysts expect it to be closer to A$5 billion.Indeed, the running 12 month total is actually in surplus, a big deal for a budget that has not been in the black since 2008.The previous Liberal National government had “Back in Black” mugs made in 2019 when it came within a whisker of a surplus, only for emergency pandemic spending to blow a record-breaking hole in the accounts.Any surplus would be fleeting, however, given resource prices are well off their peaks and the domestic economy is slowing in the face of decade-high interest rates. The latter have also sharply raised the cost of funding the government’s near-A$1 trillion in debt.Labor has also promised to honour a commitment by the previous government to slash income taxes from 2024/25, cuts that are projected to cost a budget-busting A$254 billion over the first 10 years.The cuts are not especially popular with the public given the vast majority go to the higher paid, but Labor is loath to break an election promise and seems boxed-in.More money is needed for healthcare, particularly to fund a national disability scheme, and there are election pledges on childcare and infrastructure.Defence is set for the biggest increase since World War Two amid plans to spend A$368 billion out to the 2050’s on nuclear powered submarines from the UK and United States.”Spending on interest payments, pensions, medical benefits, defence, aged care and hospitals are all expected to rise consistently above the rate of inflation,” said Stephen Halmarick, chief economist at CBA.”To place the budget on a more sustainable footing over the medium-term will require an increase in revenue flow and/or more spending discipline.”In short, Australia, like most developed economies with aging populations, is finding deficits are the new normal.($1 = 1.5119 Australian dollars) More

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    ADB calls on countries to fight protectionism as US-China ties sour

    One of Asia’s most senior development bankers has urged countries to fight protectionism as US-China tensions threaten to undermine free trade, the region’s economic recovery and its battle against climate change.Masatsugu Asakawa, president of the Manila-headquartered Asian Development Bank, said prolonged or intensified trade uncertainty between the world’s two biggest economies risked disrupting economic activity across the Asia-Pacific region, hitting consumer and business confidence around the world and reducing consumption.“We need to continuously fight against any form of protectionism,” Asakawa told the Financial Times. “Trade fracturing is also a long-term concern. Increasing efforts to be self-reliant on supply chains might be prioritised over pressing concerns, such as the transition to net zero [emissions].”The warning comes as US-China relations have reached their lowest point since the countries normalised diplomatic ties in 1979.US president Joe Biden has deepened sweeping trade and investment policy changes designed to boost American jobs and manufacturing while keeping Chinese companies off US soil, including enacting $370bn of subsidies for clean energy industries. Similar moves are being drawn up in Europe.China, too, has weaponised trade and used economic coercion to punish countries including Australia, Canada and South Korea over political disputes.Asakawa said that while the US and China were “important stakeholders”, geopolitical tensions were destabilising for the Asia-Pacific region.“Long experience has shown that political stability and security are the basis for peace, development and prosperity everywhere,” he said. “We do hope for an Asia-Pacific region that is more prosperous, inclusive, green and sustainable — peace is a vital foundation for this.“Covid-19 reminds us that the world is highly interconnected. And what we need now is redouble our co-operation and reaffirm the benefits arising from open trade and investment regimes,” Asakawa added.The bank forecasts regional growth of 4.8 per cent this year, up from 4.2 per cent in 2022, driven in part by China’s economy recovering after slow growth under Xi Jinping’s zero-Covid controls, which were abandoned at the end of last year.Despite the outlook, Asakawa cautioned against losing focus from multilateral efforts to combat global warming.The bank will this week unveil a financing partnership facility aimed at better mobilising climate finance at scale through “leveraged climate finance”.Under the facility, dubbed IF-CAP, the bank is inviting donors to guarantee a portfolio of sovereign loans issued by the ADB. The guarantees will be called upon if a borrowing member defaults. With donors sharing the default risk, the ADB said it could give it more lending headroom to fund climate action.Asakawa said the bank, which is trying to spur $100bn in climate funding in the region, expected IF-CAP to lead to $1 of guarantees unlocking $5 of new climate loans.He also pointed to the need to tackle food insecurity and hunger in debt-laden countries such as Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.“Even one year before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, 425mn people in our region were affected by hunger,” he said, noting that the ADB in September announced a $14bn package targeting food insecurity. More

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    Japan’s Astellas Pharma agrees to buy IVERIC Bio for $5.9 billion

    Through Berry Merger Sub Inc, a wholly-owned subsidiary of Astellas U.S. Holding, the Japanese company agreed to acquire IVERIC for $40 per share in cash, Astellas said in a release.The acquisition price is a 22% premium to IVERIC’s $32.89 closing price on April 28. The Japanese drugmaker has been aggressively chasing cross-border acquisitions for new treatments in recent years, announcing deals in late 2019 to buy U.S. biotech Xyphos Biosciences for up to $665 million and Audentes Therapeutics Inc for about $3 billion. Prior to that, its biggest ever acquisition was its $3.8 billion purchase of OSI Pharmaceuticals Inc in 2010. More

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    Analysis-Inflation, labour crunch prodding Japan’s smaller firms to raise pay

    TOKYO (Reuters) – Rising inflation and an intensifying labour crunch are prodding smaller local Japanese firms to follow their big counterparts in raising pay, a move that can generate broader wage hikes and encourage the central bank to phase out its massive stimulus.Wages have barely risen in Japan since the asset bubble burst in the 1990s but have crept up recently, as companies face pressure to compensate employees for the rising cost of living. Importantly, smaller firms are also starting to raise pay even as many of them face a margin crunch. A durable rise in wages is an important consideration for policymakers who seek to foster sustainable demand-driven inflation in the world’s third-largest economy before starting to unwind monetary stimulus. Huis Ten Bosch Co is just the kind of company that policymakers would want to see more of to stimulate a virtuous cycle of wages, prices and economic growth. The theme park operator in southern Japan unveiled a plan last month to hike pay by 6% in the financial year 2024 – a rare move to pre-empt wage hikes for the next year.”Customers have returned to pre-pandemic levels. Moreover, we want to give staff a sense of security in the face of rising living costs,” Yu Ito, spokesperson at the park operator’s president office, told Reuters.”We want to keep the positive momentum going.”Nearly 60% of Japan’s small and medium enterprises (SMEs) plan to lift wages this year with about 20% aiming for a hike by 4% or more, a survey by the Japan Chamber of Commerce and Industry showed in March.Even those unable to hike basic pay sought to compensate employees with higher bonus payment.Suzette Holdings Co, a high-end confectionary maker in the western city of Ashiya, which runs more than 100 shops nationwide, has offered bonus this year that is 1.3 times the average of the previous two years as sales returned to pre-COVID levels.”We want to reward employees by raising wages for as long as possible so that we can attract talent,” company president Goki Arita said.Big firms offered pay hikes of 3.8% this year in annual wage talks with unions that ended in March, the largest increase in three decades. Attention has now shifted to whether small firms, which employ seven out of 10 workers in Japan, would follow suit.Bank of Japan (BOJ) officials have said the outcome of small firms’ wage talks, which will get into full swing towards June, will be key to whether Japan will see durable pay hikes to enable it to phase out its massive monetary stimulus.”Many regions said wage hikes were broadening, even among small and mid-sized firms due to intensifying job shortages and rising inflation,” the BOJ said in a summary of a meeting of its regional branch managers earlier last month.NOT ALL ON BOARDThere is uncertainty, however, on whether SMEs can keep raising pay. The BOJ’s tankan business sentiment survey showed last month that small firms’ current profits fell 2.7% in the last fiscal year to March, while big firms’ earnings rose 11.5%.Hosei University Professor Hisashi Yamada, an expert on labour issues, said the wage hikes may turn out to be temporary, “therefore, the central bank may wait to see until next year and beyond to do anything drastic on policy.”The jobless rate remained tight at a three-decade low of 2.3% on average in 2023, according to data by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).Per-capita labour productivity is estimated at 5 million yen ($37,408.35) for SMEs, far less than big firms’ 12 million yen, government data showed.Many Japanese firms face the need to raise wages to retain talent amid dwindling pools of workers in the fast-ageing population, though some may not have the capacity to do so with rising raw material costs crippling their margin.”Medium-to-long term inflation expectations and ability to pass on costs to bigger firms at higher end of the supply chain are important factors for SMEs to raise wages,” Yamada said. Less than half of small firms said they were able to pass on rising costs to customers as of last September, government data showed.A fire-engine maker, Nihon Kikai Kogyo in the western suburban city of Hachioji in Tokyo, is among firms that are struggling with the persistent need to cut prices to win public tender.The company, mired in the red for two straight years, saw 10 of its roughly 160 workers quit last year due to declining bonus. It hasn’t been able to fill the headcount since then.”Frankly, I don’t want to see wages declining any more. Once it was cut, it won’t be brought back again,” said Hironobu Yamaguchi, the firm’s union representative. “We will be in the clutch next year.”($1 = 133.6600 yen) More