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    SEC Investigates Lindsay Lohan, Justin Sun for Violating Regulations

    Justin Sun, a cryptocurrency tycoon, was reportedly sued by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission for allegedly violating securities regulations. Additionally, the SEC accused eight public figures, including Lindsay (NYSE:LNN) Lohan and the musician known as Soulja Boy, of illegally promoting tokens without disclosing compensation.The SEC specifically claimed that Lohan and Soulja Boy promoted Tronix and/or BitTorrent tokens without disclosing any compensation. The majority of the celebrities agreed to pay more than $400,000 to settle the allegations without admitting guilt or denying the SEC’s findings, according to a statement from the agency. However, the two individuals who did not agree to pay were Soulja Boy and singer-songwriter Austin Mahone.On Wednesday, a lawsuit was filed in federal court in New York, claiming that Justin Sun collaborated with his own companies – the Tron Foundation, BitTorrent Foundation Ltd., and Rainberry Inc. – to orchestrate the sale and offer of unregistered securities, such as Tronix and BitTorrent tokens. The lawsuit additionally accuses the cryptocurrency mogul of violating antifraud and market manipulation regulations.Gurbir Grewal, Director of the SEC’s Enforcement Division commented:Justin Sun, an early Bitcoin investor, used his previous investments and success with a Chinese social-media app to establish Tron, a blockchain network currently utilized by thousands of gambling and gaming apps. The SEC alleged that Sun and his companies incentivized users through “bounty programs” to complete certain tasks in exchange for tokens.Meanwhile, the agency also accused Sun of artificially inflating the trading volume of Tronix in the secondary market and directed his employees to conduct over 600,000 “wash trades” of TRX between two crypto accounts he controlled. TRX’s price dropped by approximately 12%, while the price of BTT, BitTorrent’s token, declined by over 1%.The post SEC Investigates Lindsay Lohan, Justin Sun for Violating Regulations appeared first on Coin Edition.See original on CoinEdition More

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    Central bank tests spur global instant payment hopes

    The ability to send money quickly and cheaply around the world has long been seen as something of a holy grail for policymakers due to the advantages it would bring for both people and companies. Current transfers are slowed by the patchwork of more than 60 different instant payment networks, so central banks involved in the new tests have been working on ways to improve the process.The Bank for International Settlements (BIS), the central bank umbrella body, which helped oversee the “Nexus” trials, said the three countries involved had successfully sent payments between themselves using only mobile phone numbers.Looking ahead, the BIS said further trials would be run by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand with the hope that “Nexus could eventually be implemented globally.” More

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    Iran’s finance minister highlights surge in investment from Russia

    Russia has become the largest foreign investor in Iran over the past year, according to Iranian officials, as the two heavily sanctioned nations have stepped up co-operation since Russian forces invaded Ukraine. Ehsan Khandouzi, Iran’s finance minister, said Russia had invested $2.76bn in the country during the current financial year that ended this week, citing projects in the industrial, mining and transport sectors.“We define our relations with Russia as strategic and we are working together in many aspects, especially economic relations,” Khandouzi told the Financial Times. “China and Russia are our two main economic partners [and] Iran is going to expand its relations with them through implementing strategic agreements.” His comments underscore how Tehran and Moscow have ramped up their ties since the west imposed waves of sanctions on Russia after President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine a year ago.Russian business delegations have visited the Islamic republic seeking deals and tips on how to avoid sanctions, while Iran has been keen to develop new trade relationships to bolster its own sanctioned economy. Russian leader Vladimir Putin meets Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, centre, and Iran’s president Ebrahim Raisi, right, in Tehran last summer © SalamPix/ABACA/Reuters The US and Europe have accused Tehran of selling armed drones to Moscow that have been deployed against Ukrainian targets. Iran denies its drones are used in the war. Khandouzi said the Ukraine conflict was “unfortunate” for Iran, but did not respond when asked if Tehran received revenues from arms sales to Russia.The Iranian and Russian central banks signed a deal in January to link their interbank communication systems in a bid to boost bilateral trade. “Russia and some other countries are keen to use mechanisms such as mutual monetary agreements or trade-based swaps. We have negotiated not only with Russia but also with China and other partners, including Turkey, in this regard,” Khandouzi said. “Technically speaking, this financial network is in a better situation between Iran and Russia than others.”Analysts are sceptical about how far the two can develop trade as both have commodity-based economies producing similar products. But a western diplomat said the fear was that “it’s a dynamic that can become self-sustained”.Iran has endured decades of sanctions, and has been cut off from the global financial system since former US president Donald Trump withdrew from the 2015 nuclear accord and launched new curbs against the republic.This has further stymied Tehran’s ability to attract foreign investment — the second-largest foreign investment after Russia was from neighbouring Afghanistan, with £256mn. Chinese investment was just $131mn, behind Iraq and the United Arab Emirates, underscoring how it is not just western companies that are being put off doing business in Iran.

    Investment projects by countryCountryNumber of projectsValue ($mn)Russia32,760Afghanistan59256Iraq14223Iran (expatriates)24220United Arab Emirates16177China14131Lebanon1100Turkey1172India546Denmark145Greece238Czech Republic422Sweden220Germany318Italy19Hong Kong36Austria46Saudi Arabia15Australia14Kenya13Spain13Pakistan21Turkmenistan11Azerbaijan10.9UK10.8Kuwait20.6FranceRe-investment0.6TajikistanRe-investment0.6Madagascar10.3Other610Total1854,180Source: Ministry of Economic Affairs and Finance, Iran

    Russia accounted for two-thirds of the total foreign direct investment of about $4.2bn in Iran this financial year, according to finance ministry data. Iran attracted FDI of just $1.45bn in 2021, according to UN trade data. President Ebrahim Raisi’s hardline government has prioritised developing regional and Asian trade relationships since taking office in 2021 in an effort to counter the impact of sanctions. A Chinese-brokered deal signed this month will restore diplomatic ties between Iran and rival Saudi Arabia, seven years after they severed relations.Khandouzi said Iran had last month achieved its highest level of oil exports for at least two years, overtaking the previous high of 1.3mn barrels a day, despite US sanctions.He said non-oil exports of $53bn were also 12 per cent higher in the first 11 months of this year than the same period the previous year. Imports over the same period were $60bn, which combined with the export data showed “Iran’s economy cannot be isolated”, he added. Yet the government has struggled to contain the economic malaise that has gripped the republic, with inflation soaring higher than 47 per cent and the rial down 60 per cent under Raisi’s watch. Iranian economists blame the authorities for fuelling inflation by excessively printing money. People shopping in downtown Tehran. The government’s biggest challenge is easing the economic pressure on ordinary Iranians © Vahid Salemi/APTehran in December replaced the central bank governor who had been in the post for just 15 months as the national currency slid to record lows against the US dollar, while the regime battled months-long nationwide protests. Khandouzi defended the government’s record and said it planned to reform the central bank, which would be “held accountable to meet the inflation targets”. It would also be given the “necessary authority to control the procedures which create money supply,” he said.“We also managed to decrease the money supply growth rate, which was 39 per cent in the last Iranian year. By the end of this financial year, it is projected to be 30 per cent,” he added. “We are determined to decrease the inflation rate.”

    Khandouzi said the government had boosted tax collection and clamped down on evasion to increase non-oil revenue, while at the same time reducing corporate tax by 5 percentage points. Yet the government’s biggest challenge is easing the economic pressure on ordinary Iranians, with analysts warning that economic grievances are a ticking bomb amid widespread public anger with the regime. “When the country is struggling with economic problems, officials definitely make more efforts than before and spend more time serving people,” Khandouzi said. More

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    EU seeks to tone down the imperial style in search for critical minerals

    The great global tussle for minerals to feed the green transition is well under way. Rare earths, lithium, cobalt, nickel: the big economies are competing fiercely for the raw materials critical to their industrial transformation.Given that many are mined in developing countries — cobalt in the Democratic Republic of Congo, nickel in Indonesia — it’s not fanciful to hear echoes of the race for raw materials (spices, cotton, rubber, ivory) that drove European imperialism in previous centuries. Uncomfortably, the EU has already been called neocolonialist by countries such as Malaysia and Brazil for using trade policy to impose its views on how they manage their forests.Perhaps wisely, some in the EU are trying to tread delicately to secure minerals. Its recently announced Critical Raw Materials Act talks of alliances and collaborations with producers. And a recent trade deal with Chile shows Brussels shifting tactics a little to portray itself as a development partner rather than a neocolonial extractor.In sourcing raw materials, European manufacturers say they encounter two types of competitor with unfair advantages. One is the producer country’s mineral processors and manufacturers, to whom the government or a state-owned mining company diverts output at lower prices than it sells to the world market. The other is China, which dishes out subsidised infrastructure and other freebies in return for privileged access to raw materials.Europe doesn’t have China’s ability to throw subsidy cash around — certainly not at an EU-wide level. These days Brussels is armed mainly with trade law, which is slower and less effective than the European gunboats colonial powers deployed in earlier centuries.That law struggles to ensure open trade in raw materials. There are few World Trade Organization constraints on export taxes or price controls. Despairing of its attempts to add such laws to the general WTO rule book, the EU has tried to write them into whatever deals it can. As a condition of mineral-rich Kazakhstan joining the WTO in 2015, for example, Brussels insisted on rules preventing Kazakh state-owned enterprises using differential pricing to supply domestic industries cheaply. The EU has added similar provisions into its preferential trade agreements. The latest is Chile, whose 2002 bilateral deal with the EU was updated last December. The world’s second-biggest producer of lithium, used in car batteries and other green tech, Chile supplies more than 80 per cent of the EU’s total demand for the metal.Chile has a relatively liberal economy, but state control over mineral resources is politically highly sensitive. The socialist president Salvador Allende nationalised foreign copper-mining companies in 1971, antagonising the US, which supported the military coup that overthrew him two years later. Chile has also long wanted a value-added downstream domestic industry, processing and using lithium.Gabriel Boric, the leftist president who took power in Chile in March last year, is alert to accusations from his supporters of giving in to neocolonialism — he has proposed a state-owned company to direct lithium production. But his administration surely has to be aware of balancing national autonomy with the need for investment and expertise from foreign companies. In next-door Bolivia, which has the world’s largest lithium deposits, state-led production has woefully underperformed. Chile itself has failed to invest enough to capitalise properly on the global boom in lithium demand and prices, and has lost market share to Australia and China over the past decade.In talks updating the bilateral agreement, European Commission negotiators initially made no concession to local sensitivities and went in with the standard hardline approach. They demanded no price differentiation between exports and domestic sales, and equal treatment for all export customers. They assumed that the attraction of more access to the EU market overall would persuade Chile to agree. But when Chile pushed back, arguing for reserving some cheap lithium for domestic use, it had backing from some EU member states and members of the European parliament. Ministers and MEPs argued that Europe needed to offer minerals exporters a less coercive and more sympathetic proposition to compete with China.Ultimately, Chile and its allies inside the EU were moderately successful. The revised deal allows some lithium to be sold more cheaply to domestic industry, based on the lowest recent level reached by export prices. It’s not a huge loophole, but it’s certainly a softening of the commission’s ideology. When Olaf Scholz, the German chancellor, visited Chile in January, he projected a narrative based on partnership. Scholz offered German investment in Chilean lithium production and development rather than speaking just as an export customer.This slightly more nuanced approach is not guaranteed to build a Chilean value chain, nor to get Europe the minerals it needs. It’s only a small concession, and Chile still has problems with investment and industrial capacity. But it certainly shows the EU beginning to learn a subtler and more sensible approach to sourcing its critical minerals than risking accusations of colonial arrogance by demanding raw materials without enough in [email protected] More

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    Solar power: Europe attempts to get out of China’s shadow

    At the annual gathering of Europe’s solar power lobby in Brussels this month, industry executives celebrated the rapid rollout of panels across the region after the retreat from Russian gas.Standing behind a DJ deck, Walburga Hemetsberger, SolarPower Europe’s chief executive, said that the night should be “the best party ever”, adding that the European industry had broken records on solar installations last year. But EU officials speaking at the same event had their minds on an even bigger challenge.“Switching from fossil fuels to renewables should not mean replacing one dependency with another,” announced energy commissioner Kadri Simson, who has spent the past year marshalling the bloc’s efforts to wean itself off Russian gas.The EU wants to make solar power its single biggest source of energy by 2030. That would mean almost tripling its solar power generation capacity over the next seven years. Yet, as Simson reminded delegates, more than three-quarters of the EU’s solar panel imports in 2021 “were from one single country”. That country, China, is a critical supplier for Europe’s green transition. Yet in the wake of a Russian fuel crisis and pandemic supply-chain disruptions, European officials and companies are increasingly wary of relying on one country to meet its generation equipment needs — especially given that production is concentrated in a region where there have been widespread allegations of human rights abuses.

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    With the Biden administration pouring hundreds of billions of dollars of subsidies into clean energy under the auspices of the US Inflation Reduction Act, and amid growing Sino-scepticism in Europe, some EU officials are making the case for an industrial resurgence at home.“It’s a Hamiltonian moment,” says Raphaël Glucksmann, a European parliament member who serves on the international trade committee, referring to the creation of a strong American federal state. “Thirty years of deregulation and free-trade policy in Europe has ironically led to the triumphs of the Chinese Communist party. “Europe has to produce things again. We cannot be a continent of consumers. We’ve learnt from the pandemic and the war, when there’s a market disruption, then we are lost and naked.”The commission’s response has been to introduce a Net Zero Industry Act designed to boost the manufacture of “strategic” technologies, including solar and other renewable energy infrastructure, on home turf. The law, proposed last week, states that the EU should have enough clean energy manufacturing capacity to meet at least 40 per cent of its generation needs.A factory worker in Taizhou, east China, prepares overseas orders. Since 2011, Beijing has invested 10 times more than Europe in new solar panel manufacturing capacity © CFOTO/Sipa USA/Reuters But the continent produces less than half of that at present, and there are already warnings that the proposals are unrealistic. “We can’t scale quickly enough to meet European demand,” says Steven Xuereb, director of solar quality assurance company PI Photovoltaik-Institut Berlin. “Everyone’s excited about the new [Enel] plant in Sicily, which will produce 3GW. The Chinese giants are announcing new 20GW factories.”European solar companies say that more funding needs to be available to bring the industry up to that level. They also say that measures in the proposed act, to prioritise local production in public procurement contracts and for consumer subsidies, could increase costs to a degree that affects take-up.“If badly designed, the NZIA risks sending the sector back 20 years,” says Kareen Boutonnat, ​​chief executive for Europe and Asia Pacific at Lightsource bp, one of the region’s largest solar developers. “No one is interested in costly renewables.”The solar factory of the worldThe EU’s conundrum has some historical irony to it. Europe was once the world’s largest solar power manufacturer, producing 30 per cent of all photovoltaic panels in 2007. But a big industrial policy push caused Chinese production to increase and prices to decline, just as Europe was suffering the after-effects of the 2008 financial crash.In 2012, the European Commission launched an anti-dumping investigation into Chinese solar panel imports; the following year, it imposed an almost 50 per cent duty on those imports.That decision pitched the EU into its biggest trade dispute with China yet. Beijing threatened retaliatory tariffs on wine and luxury cars. The European Commission climbed down from its initial proposals, instead agreeing a price floor on solar panels with Beijing, to the dissatisfaction of the European solar manufacturer lobby. The price floor was later dropped in 2018.The 2012-13 trade tussle revealed elements of Europe-China tension that remain today. Member states were divided over the commission’s proposal, not wishing to risk their own trading relationship with China, while also benefiting from cheap solar panels that took the pressure off their own green-energy subsidies.Policymakers “were up against the level of planned industrial strategy from the Chinese . . . and were not necessarily giving European production enough to block the Chinese out,” says Dries Acke, policy director at SolarPower Europe.The result was the emergence of China as the undisputed world leader in solar-power technology. Since 2011, the country has invested over $50bn in new solar panel manufacturing capacity, 10 times more than Europe, according to the International Energy Agency.This capacity growth has led to the cheap prices that enabled Europe’s record-breaking solar installations. According to the IEA, although Europe imported an unprecedented 26GW of photovoltaic modules in 2021, the bill was just a third the cost of 2010, when it imported only 15GW.Dependence on XinjiangBusinesses and governments in Europe are already concerned about the risks of over-reliance not only on a single country, but on a small number of very large producers within it. A series of explosions in 2020 at a major polysilicon plant in China run by GCL-Poly Energy removed about 10 per cent of global supply and pushed prices up by 50 per cent. There are also serious ethical questions surrounding China’s production of polysilicon, the main raw material for solar panels. About two-fifths of global production is concentrated in Xinjiang, the northwestern region where the government has orchestrated a vast crackdown on Uyghur and other Muslim residents. Journalists and researchers using satellite imagery and interviews with released detainees have documented the co-location of various factories inside detention centres, where prisoners are forced to work.Cestas Solar Park in south-west France. Europe was once the world’s largest solar power manufacturer, producing 30 per cent of all photovoltaic panels in 2007 © Nathan Laine/BloombergWhile Beijing says its policies in Xinjiang are to counter terrorism and promote development, the high levels of coercion in its policies to “assimilate” Uyghur Muslims mean that it is difficult to disentangle forced labour programmes from voluntary ones. Research from Laura Murphy at the University of Sheffield has also found that at least two major solar companies, Xinjiang Hoshine and JinkoSolar, have plants in industrial parks that also house prisons or internment camps. Neither company responded to an emailed request for comment.In 2022 the US started blocking imports containing content made in Xinjiang, despite criticism from solar-panel installation companies. Two policies are working their way through the European parliament that could lead to obstacles for solar panel imports from China: the corporate sustainability due diligence directive and the forced labour regulation. Both will require agreement between the parliament and the EU’s 27 member states.Glucksmann, who is responsible for drafting one of the European parliament’s positions on the forced labour regulation, proposes an approach similar to the one favoured by Maria Manuel Leitão Marques, a Portuguese lawmaker leading the negotiations on the file. It involves companies operating in high-risk industries and areas having to prove that their products are not made using poor working conditions — a mirroring of the US “presumption of denial” model for Xinjiang imports.Activist groups under the umbrella of the Coalition to End Forced Labour in the Uyghur Region are also bringing lawsuits in countries such as the UK and Ireland to block imports from Xinjiang.Many Chinese solar panel companies have already been moving their polysilicon supply from Xinjiang to Inner Mongolia, in anticipation of last year’s US import blocks. Astronergy, a solar-panel maker, opened a factory in Thailand specifically for US customers, using polysilicon made by Wacker Chemie in Germany.Workers install solar panels at a park near Avignon, south-east France. The European Commission has proposed measures to incentivise investment in clean tech industrial plants © Jeremy Suyker/BloombergGunter Erfurt, chief executive of Swiss solar technology manufacturer Meyer Burger, says smaller companies in the solar supply chain fear that the forthcoming EU rules “might block supply and not do enough to ensure alternative resources are being provided”.China’s own government is also starting to limit the export of some technologies used in the production of the wafers that form the basis of solar cells, echoing the use of trade blacklists used by the US to cut China off from developing a domestic semiconductor industry.Rebecca Arcesati, an analyst on China-Europe innovation at think-tank Merics, says Beijing’s proposals to restrict technology transfer were a “counter” to the US and EU’s attempts to build alternative clean-tech supply chains.“Like the US, China wants to be able to defend and weaponise the tech chokepoints it controls,” she says.Europe’s chokepointsBut even as potential restrictions on supplies from China loom, formidable obstacles stand before Europe’s plans for greater self-sufficiency in solar technology. One of Europe’s main bottlenecks in the supply chain is the production of the silicon ingots and wafers that are used in the manufacture of solar cells, says Johannes Bernreuter, founder of polysilicon market research firm Bernreuter Research. Two such production plants remain in Norway, run by Norsun and Norwegian Crystal. Erfurt, of Meyer Burger, describes the Norwegian producers as the “two last men standing”, while Bernreuter adds that so long as their output remains at about 1GW or less each year there is little incentive for their upstream polysilicon suppliers such as Germany’s Wacker Chemie to expand their output. Wacker, the only European polysilicon producer of any scale, is already concentrating more on producing silicon for the semiconductor industry. Not only do Chinese companies dominate world polysilicon production, the country has also become a world leader in the technology that turns the raw material into ingots and wafers. “The European equipment manufacturers retreated from the solar market because the Chinese ones were more cost-effective,” says Bernreuter. “If they have to come back on the scene, it would be a major hurdle to provide competitive equipment.”The question is how quickly the EU can create the new supply chains needed to achieve its renewable energy goals. Bringing Chinese companies onboard would speed the transition, industry players say.Mario Kohle, chief executive of solar panel installer Enpal, says that the “Chinese manufacturing capacities are absolutely excellent and way ahead of western manufacturing capacities when it comes to solar and batteries”.Employees work on photovoltaic panels at a factory in Ningbo, Zhejiang province. Some see the EU’s clean energy targets as impossible to achieve without relying on Chinese manufacturing © Zhejiang Daily/ReutersAnother industry executive comments that “if we really want to be successful in re-establishing the value chain in Europe, we need China . . . Chinese companies should be welcome to invest in Europe.”But they warn that energy costs will need to fall before that can happen. Polysilicon production and ingot fabrication are both energy-intensive and China’s industrial electricity prices are in the range of $60-80 per MWh excluding subsidies, according to the IEA. Even before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine sent European energy prices sharply higher, the average EU power price was $130 per MWh.“We’re not going to invest billions [in Europe] if we don’t know we’re going to get competitive, predictable energy costs,” says a senior executive from a large European company in the solar supply chain.The Breakthrough Institute, a California-based think-tank, says the carbon intensity of manufacturing in China, where electricity is mostly produced by burning coal, is a powerful argument for moving supply chains into more renewable-reliant regions in Europe.But Seaver Wang, co-director of the institute’s Climate and Energy Program, says the continent will also need foreign partners. “Based on industrial experience and low energy costs, Scandinavia, the US, Canada, Korea and Malaysia could be promising regions for new polysilicon production.”

    Assembling solar cells and modules — a broader aim of the EU net zero legislation — is less energy-intensive and can be viable at smaller scales of investment. “With relatively modest public incentives you could probably place cell and module assembly anywhere,” says Wang.Solving such sectoral co-ordination problems is the traditional role of industrial policy, which could also help drive the kind of vertical integration that has made the Chinese giants so competitive. But the EU would have to bridge large price gaps; European-assembled modules are about a third more expensive than Chinese ones.“If there is demand for a European onshore supply chain, then there will be companies onshoring. The question is if people are willing to pay for it,” says a Europe-based executive of a Chinese solar company.To meet its target of manufacturing 40 per cent of clean energy generation equipment within Europe, the commission has proposed measures to incentivise investment in clean tech industrial plants and allowed member states to disregard environmental protections when permitting certain facilities.“We do not want a repetition of solar panels, where we invented them and then all the production went to China,” the EU’s Green Deal commissioner Frans Timmermans told journalists in Strasbourg last month.But Xuereb, of the Photovoltaik-Institut, says the challenges and timescales of building supply infrastructure closer to home mean that the next 420GW of capacity, which the EU aims to install by 2030, “will primarily come from China”.Jan Krueger, partner and managing director at Pelion, a Munich-based start-up financing green investments, complains that Europe is “lacking implementation speed” and that the approval process for renewable energy subsidies is very slow.“There’s more than enough capital, there’s commitment from industry and investors,” he says. Now it’s up to the EU to incentivise this re-industrialisation.”Data visualisation by Keith Fray More

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    ‘Close to thin ice’: looming credit crunch puts pressure on Fed

    As Jay Powell fielded questions from journalists on Wednesday following the US Federal Reserve’s decision to plough forward with another interest rate rise, he quipped that it had been “quite an interesting seven weeks”.The Fed chair was speaking after the bank raised rates by a quarter-point and signalled it might be close to concluding its campaign to stamp out inflation following the most aggressive monetary-tightening campaign in decades. The end of painful rate rises would normally be a cause for relief, even celebration, but for one inconvenient fact: the reason the Fed thinks it can afford to let up is the worst bout of banking turmoil since the great financial crisis of 2008 — and one that critics of the US central bank argue it should have seen coming. “They’re afraid that they are getting close to thin ice,” said Diane Swonk, chief economist at KPMG, of the predicament facing the Fed. It must now decide whether to keep slamming the brakes on the economy, or whether a looming credit crunch precipitated by the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank and Signature Bank will do the job for it. “They want to cool inflation without sending the economy into a deep freeze and that is just a very hard thing to do,” Swonk added. Powell is right that the US central bank has been on a rollercoaster ride over the past two months or so, as have the investors and traders who hang on its every word.At the conclusion of the Fed’s February meeting, Powell seemed optimistic the central bank had turned the corner on inflation and that a “soft landing” — where price pressures ease without a painful recession — was in sight. That quickly gave way to renewed concern that the economy was again gaining momentum. Just two weeks ago, Powell even floated the idea that the Fed could jettison the gradual quarter-point rate rise it had opted for in February and move back to a half-point increase this month. He also warned the Fed would probably have to tighten more than expected to bring inflation back to the central bank’s 2 per cent target. Now that hawkishness has evaporated, thanks to the implosion of SVB and Signature. Indeed, on Wednesday Powell admitted the Fed had considered taking a pause — that is forgoing a rate rise altogether — this month. The collapse and government takeover of the two lenders resulted in stress across the banking industry — especially for smaller operators — prompting a group of emergency measures from the Fed and other arms of the US government designed to ward off further contagion. It is unclear whether policymakers have done enough, with already depressed shares of banks selling off again on Wednesday after Janet Yellen, the Treasury secretary, appeared to rule out blanket guarantees in the near term for deposits over $250,000. The turmoil could result in exactly the same kind of credit crunch the Fed had hoped to precipitate with tighter monetary policy, albeit one over which the central bank has far less sway, economists warn. “We’re still in a position where financial conditions need to tighten for inflation to come down,” said Swonk. “But what is hard at this point is that the Fed doesn’t have as much control as it once thought it had. It’s lost some of its ability to determine the path.”Benson Durham, head of global policy at Piper Sandler and a former senior staffer at the Fed, said: “They always wanted financial conditions to tighten, but to tighten in an orderly way. Having bank runs is the disorderly way.”In its statement on Wednesday, the Federal Open Market Committee said the banking-related turmoil was “likely to result in tighter credit conditions for households and businesses and to weigh on economic activity, hiring, and inflation”. The “extent of these effects is uncertain”, it warned.Powell rammed that point home throughout Wednesday’s press conference. “Such a tightening in financial conditions would work in the same direction as rate tightening,” he said, adding that it could potentially be the equivalent of a “rate hike or perhaps more than that”.“Of course, it’s not possible to make that assessment today with any precision whatsoever,” he warned.According to a new set of economic projections, known as the dot plot, most Fed officials still see the federal funds rate peaking at between 5 per cent and 5.25 per cent this year, a quarter-point higher than the level reached after Wednesday’s rate rise. That is unchanged from the December forecast. In a sign that the FOMC could be closer to ending its rate-rising campaign, the policy statement said “some additional policy firming may be appropriate”. Powell urged reporters to focus on the “some” and “may” in that phrase, although he was adamant that rate cuts are not expected this year.Ellen Zentner, chief US economist at Morgan Stanley, said the complex economic backdrop meant Powell was right to send a “very vague, very soft” signal. “The Fed is making no promises here,” she added.Tom Porcelli, chief US economist at RBC Capital Markets, detected a more definitive message: that the “hiking cycle is now over”. “In terms of action, it screams that they recognise the gravity of the moment.”Given the tumult in the banking sector it is perhaps unsurprising that the Fed slightly downgraded its outlook for the economy, which it expects to grow only 0.4 per cent this year before expanding 1.2 per cent in 2024. Such anaemic growth is a daunting prospect for President Joe Biden, who has said he plans to run for re-election next year. The unemployment rate is forecast to peak at 4.6 per cent in 2024, a majority of policymakers estimated, as core inflation falls back to 2.6 per cent, still above target.While Powell maintained that there is still a “pathway” for a soft landing, he acknowledged that it has become narrower in light of recent events. Durham puts the odds of a recession at about 35 per cent, but in the event of a broader shock to financial conditions, that rises to more than 60 per cent. “The distribution of where things go is just very wide,” he added.

    Heaping yet more pressure on the Fed at an already difficult moment is the criticism it has drawn for falling short in its role as a supervisor and regulator of SVB. On Wednesday, the Bank of England said it had warned about mounting risks at SVB well before its collapse. Rule changes enacted in 2019 under Powell’s watch, which resulted in lighter-touch regulation of smaller banks, are also being called into question. In an early sign of a bipartisan consensus that the Fed erred in its duty, two senators who could not be further apart on the political aisle introduced legislation that would replace the central bank’s internal investigator with a presidential appointee. “After the Federal Reserve’s failure to properly identify and prevent the shocking failures of Silicon Valley Bank and Signature Bank, it’s clear we can’t wait any longer for big change at the Fed,” said Rick Scott, a Republican from Florida, who is being supported by Democrat Elizabeth Warren. “When a bank fails, there are investigations, and of course, we welcome that,” Powell said. More

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    New Zealand central bank says economy slowing, still not sure if rates high enough

    Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) chief economist Paul Conway said the 450 basis point rise in interest rates over the last 18 months was still “percolating” through the economy and would likely further weigh on consumer spending.Yet it was unclear whether inflation expectations were falling fast enough to mean current and projected rate setting were high enough to be disinflationary. More

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    Brazil central bank holds rates, flags increased inflation expectations

    BRASILIA (Reuters) -Brazil’s central bank cited rising inflation expectations as it kept interest rates unchanged for the fifth consecutive policy meeting on Wednesday, drawing concern from the government and weakening bets of imminent monetary easing.The bank’s rate-setting committee, known as Copom, maintained its Selic benchmark interest rate at 13.75%. The decision, which defied intense pressure from the new government of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva to reduce borrowing costs, matched the expectations of all 30 respondents in a Reuters poll.”Taking into account the uncertainty of the scenarios, the committee remains vigilant, assessing if the strategy of maintaining the Selic rate for a long period will be enough to ensure the convergence of inflation,” policymakers wrote in the bank’s weekly survey. They dropped the reference to maintaining the rate beyond the period expected by the market. “The Committee emphasizes that it will persist until the disinflationary process consolidates and inflation expectations anchor around its targets, which have shown additional deterioration, especially at longer horizons,” they added.Finance Minister Fernando Haddad criticized the statement, saying it was “very concerning,” and the central bank’s next decision could put the country’s fiscal position “at risk.””Copom even signals the possibility of an increase in the interest rate, which is already the highest in the world today,” he told reporters, in reference to policymakers’ insistence that they would not hesitate to resume hikes if disinflation did not happen as expected. Haddad also said Brazil’s inflation is more controlled than that of other developing countries, and that inflation expectations could rapidly be reduced in light of new events.Several economists expected the central bank to mention challenges to the global economy, which could potentially create space for rate cuts to begin earlier than previously anticipated, after high-profile U.S. bank closures and the Credit Suisse rescue.The central bank acknowledged the worsening global environment amid banking turmoil, but emphasized recent data on global activity and inflation have remained resilient.The bank also noted the process of monetary policy tightening in major economies continued to advance, following the Federal Reserve’s decision to continue raising U.S. interest rates.”Given the expectation, I found the statement to be more hawkish,” said Gustavo Arruda, Director of Research for Latin America at BNP Paribas (OTC:BNPQY).”It will probably decrease the probability of interest rate cut scenarios in the next policy meetings,” he added, predicting rates unchanged until May next year.While policymakers emphasized the government decision to resume fuel taxes has helped to improve public accounts, they said highly volatile financial markets and long-term inflation expectations beyond their targets “require further attention when conducting monetary policy.”Inflation has cooled to 5.6% in the 12 months through February, but it is still far above this year’s 3.25% official target. Meanwhile, the central bank’s inflation expectations have risen to 5.8% for 2023 and 3.6% for 2024. Next year, the target is 3%.Lula has repeatedly called for lower borrowing costs, describing the current Selic rate “irresponsible” on Tuesday.The president also put off a proposal for new fiscal rules to keep a lid on public debt levels – one of several upward inflation risks flagged by the central bank at recent policy meetings. More