More stories

  • in

    U.S. Treasury funnels $8.7 billion in COVID aid to community, minority lenders

    WASHINGTON (Reuters) – U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris and Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen on Tuesday announced more than $8.7 billion in capital investments in community development financial institutions and minority-owned banking firms to boost lending in disadvantaged areas, the Treasury said.The capital allocation for 186 institutions is part of $12 billion in funding provided for CDFIs and minority banks that was included in coronavirus relief legislation passed at the end of 2020.Harris had helped author the lending provision as a senator and it was signed into law by former president Donald Trump.”We know that the communities hurt most by COVID-19 have often been communities of color, and Treasury has implemented relief legislation with equity in mind,” Yellen said in a statement.The investment follows an initial allocation of $1.25 billion from the COVID-19 relief funds to 863 community lenders in June.The states with the largest number of institutions being offered new capital include Mississippi, Louisiana, North Carolina, California, and Texas, the Treasury said.Among the institutions recommended for capital investments of less than $100,000 to over $200 million, approximately 54% are banks and 46% are credit unions. Treasury said it was offering $3.1 billion to 57 minority institutions.The announcement came at the Treasury’s annual Freedman’s Bank Forum, launched in 2016 by then-Treasury Secretary Jack Lew when he renamed the Treasury Annex building across from main Treasury the “Freedman’s Bank Building.”Abraham Lincoln created the Freedman’s Savings and Trust Co in 1865 for newly emancipated Black Americans to safeguard their earnings, build financial security and generate family wealth. The bank helped some 100,000 Black people and institutions amass $57 million in savings and wealth, and paved the way for today’s minority depository institutions.But the racial wealth gap persists. U.S. data shows the typical white family has eight times the wealth of the typical Black family and five times that of the typical Latino family.Yellen said that Treasury was working to channel the CDFI funds to those institutions best able to get more lending into disadvantaged communities, particularly those of color.Yellen recently appointed the Treasury’s first ever counselor on racial equity, said she will soon make appointments to a new racial equity advisory committee. More

  • in

    Ark's Cathie Wood remains concerned about deflation, not inflation

    NEW YORK (Reuters) – Star stock picker Cathie Wood of Ark Invest struck a defiant tone in a webinar Tuesday in which she repeated her warning that deflation, rather than inflation, will be the largest risk for financial markets and the economy in the year ahead. Concerns about rising prices and expectations of rising interest rates have hammered Wood’s flagship $16.1 billion ARK Innovation Fund this year, which is down 24% for the year to date despite a 24% gain in the broad-based S&P 500 index over the same time. The fund, which was the top-performing U.S. equity fund in 2020 due to its bets on so-called stay-at-home stocks, has outsized positions in companies such as Teladoc (NYSE:TDOC) Health Inc and Zoom Video Communications (NASDAQ:ZM) Inc which are down 40% or more since the start of 2021. “We feel like we’re experiencing the same kind of naysaying right now” as when Ark previously made large bets on Tesla (NASDAQ:TSLA) Inc and bitcoin before both rallied more than 1,000%, Wood said. “Our confidence in our strategy has increased” despite the stock losses for the year to date, Wood added. Wood sees companies that profit from stay-at-home trends as part of an innovation category that includes Tesla and biotech shares. Among the arguments for innovation stocks are signs from the bond market that inflation expectations are moderating and a broad decline in commodity prices, Wood said.At the same time, Wood said that she expects the U.S. economy will grow less than many economists expect in the year ahead, prompting a shift back into the sort of innovative companies that can grow regardless of the economic backdrop. Overall, the ARK Innovation fund has posted investor outflows over six of the last 10 weeks, according to Lipper data. The fund fell 2.4% in afternoon trading Tuesday, more than double the 1% decline in the S&P 500. More

  • in

    Coinbase Wallet rolls out support for NFTs

    The company announced Tuesday that Coinbase Wallet will soon be able to support NFTs, giving users the ability to view their collections and access leading NFT marketplaces like OpenSea. Coinbase didn’t specify an exact date for the rollout but said users will need to have the latest version of the browser extension installed to access the features.Continue Reading on Coin Telegraph More

  • in

    ‘DeFi is the most dangerous part of the crypto world,’ says Senator Elizabeth Warren

    In a Tuesday hearing with the Senate Banking Committee discussing stablecoins, Warren questioned Hilary Allen, a professor at the American University Washington College of Law, as to whether a run on stablecoins could potentially endanger the United States financial system. Though Allen said an “en masse” redemption of stablecoins from people who had lost faith in the tokens would be unlikely to have “systemic consequences” for traditional markets at present, the DeFi system would be more likely to feel the effects. Continue Reading on Coin Telegraph More

  • in

    Swedish central bank chief says inflation surge due to energy prices

    Headline inflation was 3.6% in November compared to the same month in 2020 – the fastest rise since 1993 – figures published by the Statistics Office on Tuesday showed.”If you look at the latest inflation measure, much of it is due to energy prices,” Governor Stefan Ingves said in an interview with Swedish news agency TT.”If you take away energy prices … the pace of inflation is 1.9%.”The central bank targets headline inflation of 2%.Asked if the current level of inflation was close to a level the Riksbank could not tolerate, Ingves said: “You cannot say that at the moment.”At its most recent meeting, the Riksbank held policy broadly unchanged, arguing that a spike in inflation was due to problems related to economies restarting after the pandemic and would probably not last long.”If you look at the most recent monetary policy report we expect inflation to be a bit over 3% for the next six months,” Ingves said. “Then, after that, inflation will fall back again.” The Riksbank has already started to taper its bond purchase programme, launched during the pandemic. It plans to hold its balance sheet broadly unchanged next year. It has penciled in a rate hike – which would be the first since the start of the pandemic – some time in late 2024. More

  • in

    Beijing turns inward as US decoupling gathers pace

    Corporate developments in the US and China this month tell a clear story of superpower separation. The US blacklisting of SenseTime, a leading Chinese artificial intelligence company, and a decision by Didi, China’s answer to Uber, to delist from the New York Stock Exchange share the same antecedents. As strategic mistrust intensifies at state level, corporate China’s fundraising bonanza on Wall Street is being brought to a close. This is no small thing: according to the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission, there were 248 Chinese companies listed in the US as of May this year, worth a total of $2.1tn.Such listings, to varying degrees, appear vulnerable — thanks to the deep-rooted nature of the suspicion that is throwing superpower ties into the freezer. Both Beijing and Washington are seized by a desire to decouple, especially where strategic interests and sensitive data are in play. Didi, which in June launched the biggest listing by a Chinese company in the US since Alibaba in 2014, incurred the wrath of Chinese regulators who worried that the ride-hailing company’s vast trove of mapping and other sensitive data might fall into foreigners’ hands.The US decision to blacklist SenseTime this month was also driven by security concerns. Washington added SenseTime to a list of 59 Chinese defence and surveillance technology companies that President Joe Biden in June banned Americans from investing in. The impact of SenseTime’s inclusion was swift. Within days, the Chinese company said it would postpone the $767m initial public offering in Hong Kong and issue a revised prospectus before reviving the offering “soon”.At the heart of Washington’s move is an understandable antipathy towards US investors supporting a company that is enmeshed in China’s “military industrial complex”, and which the US accuses of enabling human rights abuses against Muslim Uyghurs in northwestern Xinjiang province.Much more difficult is to know where such concerns should end. China is deploying a “whole-of-society” effort to attain leadership in AI. It has launched a “civil-military fusion” strategy under which even private companies can be ordered to hand over key technology and data to serve the aims of the People’s Liberation Army. The effect of such broad and opaque Chinese policies is to enable US suspicion towards all but the most low-tech companies, widening the cleavage between America Inc and corporate China. All this is feeding the conservative urges already evident in Beijing’s treatment of the debt-laden property developer Evergrande. It is notable that the slow unravelling of one of China’s biggest privately owned enterprises is being orchestrated by state actors. Four out of seven seats on a committee set up to manage Evergrande’s risks are held by representatives of state-owned companies controlled by central government or regional governments in southern Guangdong province.Thus, a vision of China’s future is taking shape. A mutual decoupling is emphasising China’s turn inward and its elevation of state actors to form a bulwark against both domestic vulnerabilities and mistrusted foreign forces. A Fortress China is under construction.The momentum behind this regrettable metamorphosis is strong. But Beijing should remember the extraordinary success of the last four decades was built, to a large degree, on an “open door” policy with the outside world. The influx of investment, technology and knowledge from overseas helped mightily in its ascent. With a rebound from recent protectionist tendencies, it could continue to do so in future. More

  • in

    Shortages, what shortages? Global markets are delivering

    If one word captures the main economic takeaway from the pandemic, it is surely “shortages”. From March 2020 on, our global economic system seems to have failed us over and over again: first unable to supply the requisite amount of personal protective equipment, then vaccine manufacturing inputs, the vaccines themselves, commodities and raw materials, semiconductors, and the host of durable goods that depend on them, and most recently energy.The economic consequence — inflation — has come harder and faster than most people expected, but not as hard and fast as the political conclusions many observers and leaders saw fit to deduce: that neither globalisation nor capitalism is fit for purpose. Globalisation, because it eroded national control over the supply of vital goods. Capitalism, because private companies designed their production for “just in time” rather than “just in case” considerations, prioritising efficiency in normal times over resilience in extraordinary ones.These judgments were touted loudly early in the pandemic, and have inspired policy ever since. All the big economic powers, and many smaller ones, have acted to bend globalised capitalist production patterns towards forms more within the reach of national authorities.There may be a case for such a policy turn, but the main factual premise of the new resilience-cum-autonomy doctrine is false. The pandemic put capitalist globalisation to the test, with sudden and enormous surges in demand, and it passed with flying colours.Take durable goods. Headlines about shortages are the only thing that seem in ample supply, and everyone is experiencing delays in obtaining items, such as cars, that could previously be had with instant gratification. But the actual supply of durable goods is at record highs. Since the summer of last year, American consumers have been obtaining them in volumes much larger than the pre-pandemic trend. Many EU economies, including Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, have also matched or exceeded 2019 levels of durable goods consumption.What about semiconductors? In a short paper published a month ago, Daniel Rees and Phurichai Rungcharoenkitkul of the Bank for International Settlements showed that semiconductor exports from Taiwan and Korea in 2020 exceeded the volumes recorded in 2019, and 2021 exceeded 2020. Exports currently appear to be running at a good 30 per cent above two years ago. The BIS’s Hyun Song Shin has added that semiconductor sales in the US are much higher than in the years before the pandemic.The same point holds for the goods most relevant to the pandemic itself. Recall that the panic around personal protective equipment supplies, real as it was, dissipated within a month or so. The EU’s imports of test kits and protective garments grew by 20 and 40 per cent, respectively.And vaccines? There is much to criticise about rich countries’ hoarding of Covid-19 vaccines when they were in scarce supply. But that is yesterday’s problem. Analysts estimate that vaccine makers are already producing more than 1bn doses a month. In sum: shortages? What shortages? Of course, even these remarkable increases have not always been enough to satisfy soaring demand. But far from failing us, the globalised capitalist production system has delivered, ramping up supplies in record time in response to one unexpected demand surge after another.So when we complain about shortages, we are really complaining that the ramp-up wasn’t faster and smoother still. We are oblivious to how much we take for granted that sudden, unpredicted, demand is satisfied instantaneously with no noticeable disruption. That goes to show how thoroughly we have internalised the global market’s ability to do just that. Capitalist globalisation is suffering the reputational consequences of its own success. There are obvious qualifications to make. Producing enough for all to share does not ensure that everyone does get a share: fair distribution is not one of capitalism’s strengths. Governments have helped co-ordinate, not to mention pay for, production capacity — well-regulated markets work best. And there is no doubt a role for policy to ensure that even short-term disruptions — such as to PPE supplies in a pandemic — do not happen. But with due regard to those caveats, what other social organisation of economic production does anyone think could respond as well to the seesawing global demand patterns of the last 21 months? There is no reason to think renationalised supply chains — rolling back globalisation — could scale up production any faster than our current system. And why should we expect a significantly more state-directed production system — rolling back capitalism — to be either fairer or more resilient, given states’ failure to ensure adequate stockpiles “just in case” or distribute vaccines fairly across the world? At best we can hope to tweak globalised capitalism at the margins to make it do even better. By all means, invest in stockpiles or require firms to diversify, explaining to taxpayers the insurance rationale for the added cost — but minimise it by sourcing from global markets in good times. Boost public and private investment and consider repatriating where national security requires domestic control. But on the whole, the pandemic’s lesson for global supply chain policy is to leave well alone. [email protected] More