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    Trump’s Big Policy Bill Puts U.S. on Perilous Fiscal Path

    Among the most expensive pieces of legislation in years, the Republican legislation could reshape the country’s finances for a generation.Washington has not exactly won a reputation for fiscal discipline over the last few decades, as both Republicans and Democrats passed bills that have, bit by bit, degraded the nation’s finances.But the legislation that Republicans passed through the Senate on Tuesday stands apart in its harm to the budget, analysts say. Not only did an initial analysis show it adding at least $3.3 trillion to the nation’s debt over the next 10 years — making it among the most expensive bills in a generation — but it would also reduce the amount of tax revenue the country collects for decades. Such a shortfall could begin a seismic shift in the nation’s fiscal trajectory and raise the risk of a debt crisis.The threat is a reflection of the fact that Senate Republicans have voted to make tax cuts that the party first passed in 2017 a permanent feature of the tax code. That means the growth in the country’s debt, already at levels economists find alarming, would only accelerate as the bill shaves down the country’s main source of money.“We are looking at the most expensive piece of legislation probably since the 1960s,” said Jessica Riedl, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, a conservative think tank. “The danger is that Congress is piling trillions of new borrowing on top of deficits that are already leaping.”Historically, lawmakers have been unable to make such a large change in the country’s finances without bipartisan support, helping contain how much debt is added at a time.That is because reconciliation, the special legislative procedure that Republicans used to avoid the filibuster in the Senate and pass the bill along party lines, has long included the requirement that bills cannot add to the debt for more than a decade. But Republicans decided to disregard that rule, relying on an accounting gimmick to argue that the $3.8 trillion cost of extending the 2017 tax cuts is actually zero and therefore they can continue indefinitely.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

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    EU toughens stance on Trump tariffs as deadline looms

    Unlock the White House Watch newsletter for freeYour guide to what Trump’s second term means for Washington, business and the worldEuropean capitals have hardened their position in trade talks with Donald Trump, insisting the US reduces its tariffs on the EU immediately as part of any framework deal before the looming deadline on July 9. Trade commissioner Maroš Šefčovič has been instructed to take a tougher line on a trip to Washington this week as Brussels tries to remove or at least substantially cut Trump’s levies in the long term.Washington has indicated to Brussels that the most likely first-stage agreement is a UK-style phased deal that leaves some tariffs in place while talks continue, according to EU officials. Ambassadors from EU member states on Monday asked for Šefčovič to insist that any such deal includes, from July 9, reductions in the current 10 per cent “reciprocal” tariff, according to four people briefed on the matter. They are also demanding reductions to higher sectoral levies. In the UK case, US tariffs on cars and steel continued for some weeks after the initial agreement to allow lower duty or duty-free quotas.The EU’s 27 members have struggled to display a united front during almost three months of talks. But European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen asked leaders at a summit on Thursday to endorse a tougher stance, according to the people.Trade commissioner Maroš Šefčovič said: ‘We are absolutely focusing on a positive outcome’ More

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    What’s next for the ‘big, beautiful bill’?

    This is an on-site version of the White House Watch newsletter. You can read the previous edition here. Sign up for free here to get it on Tuesdays and Thursdays. Email us at [email protected] to White House Watch. I’m your host for today. We’ll be off on Thursday but back in your inbox next week. On today’s agenda: A ‘big, beautiful’ update The latest threat to Harvard Another looming deadline Donald Trump’s top legislative priority, passing his flagship tax and spending bill, is inching closer to reality — but some significant obstacles remain. Here’s the state of play at 9am in Washington: After a full day of debate, Republican senators have yet to get their version of the bill over the line. They’ll continue today to try to win over the remaining holdouts to pass the bill by a simple majority. Vice-president JD Vance has also arrived at the Capitol in case he needs to be the tiebreaking vote.Once they do that, it will then head back to the House of Representatives to be approved by the lower chamber, where things could get tricky.The House last month passed its own version of the legislation, but several lawmakers have sounded alarm bells about the Senate version of the bill — raising the possibility that it could stall again. House Speaker Mike Johnson is contending with a razor-thin majority and can afford to lose only a handful of votes.If the House disagrees with the Senate bill, it could amend it and send it back to the upper chamber — where it would need yet another vote. Or the two chambers could send members to a conference committee to strike a compromise. When both chambers agree on the text, it would go to Trump to be signed into law. Ultimately, it would fund an extension of the tax cuts introduced in Trump’s first term by slashing spending on healthcare and social welfare programmes.Elon Musk, Trump’s former ally who fell out with the president last month partially over the legislation, isn’t helping with the bill’s progress.In posts on X yesterday, Musk slammed the bill and threatened to launch a new political party to challenge incumbents if the legislation passes. Trump hit back with a threat to cancel government subsidies for Musk’s business empire. Not great news for Trump’s goal of getting this done before July 4 — but in reality not much will happen if Congress slips past the self-imposed deadline. The latest headlinesSome content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.What we’re hearingAnother important date is looming before the Trump administration: July 9, when the steep tariffs that the president originally proposed in April were slated to take effect again, in the absence of country-specific trade deals. But Trump’s top trade officials are now scaling back their ambitions for comprehensive reciprocal deals with foreign countries, seeking narrower agreements to avert the looming reimposition of US tariffs [free to read].Four people familiar with the talks said US officials were seeking phased deals with the most engaged countries as they race to find agreements by July 9, when Trump has vowed to reimpose his harshest levies.The new approach marks a retreat from the White House’s promise to strike 90 trade deals during the 90-day pause in the sweeping “reciprocal” tariffs Trump announced on “liberation day”.But it also offers some countries a chance to strike modest agreements. The administration will seek “agreements in principle” on a small number of trade disputes ahead of the deadline, the people said. However, talks remain complex. The administration is also still considering imposing tariffs on critical sectors, people familiar with the matter said. The threat of new tariffs alongside openness to deals, underscores the difficulty negotiators have faced — especially since Trump, has used trade as a cudgel to secure concessions from other countries. People familiar with the talks say the poor visibility of possible new sectoral tariffs the US may impose at a later date are hindering talks.It is also unclear how Trump will set any new tariff rates on countries that do not agree a new deal before the July 9 deadline. The White House declined to comment. ViewpointsIn economic terms, Trump’s budget is classic bait and switch that could cause many Republicans to lose their seats in Congress, writes Edward Luce. European leaders seemed broadly content after the first Nato summit of Trump’s second term, but Gideon Rachman explains why the situation in Ukraine could cause any feel-good sentiments to soon disappear.Ruchir Sharma argues that the biggest Trump shock on US markets is actually that he has had so little impact.Trump said last week’s ruling in the birthright citizenship case is a “monumental victory” for his administration — he might be right, says Brooke Masters in our Swamp Notes newsletter. [Available for Premium subscribers]Recommended newsletters for youFT Exclusive — Be the first to see exclusive FT scoops, features, analysis and investigations. Sign up hereBreaking News — Be alerted to the latest stories as soon as they’re published. Sign up here More

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    A week of central bank communication horror shows

    This article is an on-site version of our Chris Giles on Central Banks newsletter. Premium subscribers can sign up here to get the newsletter delivered every Tuesday. Standard subscribers can upgrade to Premium here, or explore all FT newslettersIt is hot and the top central bankers have arrived in Sintra, Portugal for the European Central Bank’s annual forum. I am also there and will report on relevant papers and discussions next week. At the start of the conference, the ECB announced the result of its five-year strategy review (more on that later). But one of the key themes for central bankers here is how to communicate when the shocks are large and the world uncertain. It has not been a vintage week in central bank communications. A shadowy figureSince he was merely a potential candidate to become US Treasury secretary last year, Scott Bessent advocated creating a shadow Federal Reserve chair so that if Donald Trump came back to the White House, he could get the monetary policy he wanted. Bessent told Barron’s magazine last October: “You could do the earliest Fed nomination and create a shadow Fed chair . . . and based on the concept of forward guidance, no one is really going to care what Jerome Powell has to say any more”.That did not happen, and there is no doubt the US president really cares about what Powell says and does. Yesterday, he took to posting handwritten abuse in large letters on a weird league table of short-term interest rates and putting it on social media. It reads: “Jerome, you are, as usual, ‘too late’. You have cost the USA a fortune — and continue to do so — You should lower the rate — By a lot! Hundreds of billions of dollars being lost! No inflation — Donald Trump.”Let’s face facts. This is brilliant communication. It is absolutely clear what Trump wants.How does this affect Bessent’s shadow Fed idea? Last week, everyone got excited when the Wall Street Journal reported that Trump was toying with the idea of an early Fed pick to be a back-seat driver on rates. “I know within three or four people who all I’m going to pick,” the president said at the Nato summit. At the end of the week, he told journalists the key qualities the next Fed chair would need to display: “I’m going to put somebody that wants to cut rates. There are a lot of them out there,” he said. Financial markets increased their bets on quarter-point rate cuts in 2025 on the back of these comments from two to three, and the same number again in 2026, as the chart below shows. Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.There is no subtle way of describing this idea. It is terrible. It sets up multiple communication challenges for the US administration and the Fed, while almost certainly undermining the credibility of the Fed and the next chair. Imagine the possible scenarios.Trump picks a sycophant. The FOMC could, of course, capitulate and cut rates soon, undermining its credibility. For sure, it would justify this with some invented economic reasoning, but no one with any critical faculties would be reassured. Fed independence would be dead. Since that is such a bad scenario, the FOMC would be likely to resist and carry on as if nothing had happened. This would be the right thing to do, but it does not solve the communication challenges. If Fed governors and regional Fed presidents vote with Powell until May and then fall into line with a new dovish chair next June, it would demonstrate that FOMC discussions and everyone on the committee is pointless apart from the chair. Credibility also dies. If instead, they stand their ground now and after the new chair arrives next June, either outvote him or persuade him to change his tune (it is likely to be a man), it will be the new chair, not Powell, that becomes the lame duck. Many people would cheer, but this would not be a good outcome for the Fed.If the nominee refused to be extremely dovish ahead of starting the job, he might find himself fired before being fully hired. Recognising that this is not the genius plan he thought it was last October, Bessent has been backpedalling as fast as he can. When asked on CNBC (9 mins, 30 secs) about a shadow Fed chair on Friday, he said “I don’t think anyone’s necessarily talking about that”. I enjoyed the switch to the present tense. The return of team transitoryOne of the candidates in the running for chair is Fed governor Christopher Waller. He recently went on TV to call for “good news” rate cuts as early as this month. His argument is that US interest rates at 4.25 to 4.5 per cent are well above neutral levels, so there is not much danger in lowering them. Waller laid this out more fully in a speech last month in Seoul in which he forecast that any rise in inflation from tariffs would be “transitory” — deliberately using the word that got the Fed into hot water in 2021 and 2022. I do not have a problem with Waller’s belief that the Fed should look through higher inflation (although his argument was undermined somewhat by data on Friday showing stronger than expected price rises in May). The problem about using the “t” word is that it makes assumptions about pass-through and persistence no central banker can know.Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.The lesson from 2021 is to be wary about predicting transitory inflation, and instead to talk about your commitment to price stability and what you will do to ensure it lasts. Inappropriate ECBIn what was mostly a backslapping affair, the ECB’s governing council has just approved its monetary strategy review. Sorry, I should call it an “assessment” because, as ECB president Christine Lagarde said, there was “no reason to revisit core pillars” of policy. So it cannot be a “review”. The main points are that little changes: the inflation target stays at 2 per cent and policy reacts symmetrically to deviations around it; all the tools the ECB has used remain available; and this will be robust, the central bank thinks, in an era of more supply shocks and inflation volatility. It is odd that the speeches and all the material explaining the assessment are so self-congratulatory. The ECB was late to end quantitative easing and raise interest rates in 2021 and 2022, hemmed in by past commitments. It vaguely accepts this. Buried deep in the monetary policy strategy document, officials accept the way they had designed QE had neither been forward-looking enough, nor foreseen the losses the ECB imposed on taxpayers. But those moments of self-reflection were exceptions. Looking towards the future, Lagarde said the new approach would require “appropriately forceful or persistent monetary policy action in response to large, sustained deviations of inflation from the target in either direction”. She went on to stress the word “appropriately”. There is no word that I dislike more to describe policy than “appropriate”. It is utterly devoid of meaning; no official would ever say they were acting “inappropriately”. The following is absurd, but no different in substance from the conclusion of the strategy assessment:The ECB will take the right decisions at the right time for the right reasons and later it will judge it was right to do so. ECB messes up on the socialsAt the same time it was congratulating itself, the central bank was using inappropriate images on social media. Having had an assessment that said the “inflation environment will remain uncertain and potentially more volatile, with larger deviations from the symmetric 2 per cent inflation target”, its communications experts in Frankfurt should have taken a closer look at the following picture they posted. It shows a woman on a tightrope with certain death either side, suggesting any deviation from 2 per cent inflation spells imminent doom.If you can’t get your visual metaphor correct, how are you going to run monetary policy?© ECBWhat I’ve been reading and watchingThe OECD’s groundbreaking international tax agreement, designed to stop companies shielding profits in tax havens, is in trouble as the G7 agrees to give exemptions to US firms.The FinRegRag blog finds some differences between Powell’s comments to the Senate Banking Committee on the Fed’s plans to refurbish its buildings and the proposals it submitted. Marble, fountains and special elevators are involved, but not beehives.Turkey’s economic struggles are making life difficult for President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.My colleague at Monetary Policy Radar, Andrew Whiffin, argues that the Fed might need to make further changes to banking regulations if it wants to ensure a functioning Treasury market.A chart that mattersThe Bank of England is facing ever louder calls to curb its bond-selling quantitative tightening programme when it makes a decision on how much to scale back the balance sheet in September. With fewer of the bonds it holds maturing in 2025-26, it needs to sell £52bn in the year from October, compared with £13bn this year, to keep QT at the £100bn-a-year pace. Perhaps markets are complaining too much. The chart below shows that the BoE’s share of bond issuance is tiny compared with that of the government. The one exception might be in long bonds, which the BoE defines as having a maturity of more than 20 years. The UK government’s Debt Management Office is also scaling back long-date gilt issuance. Not to get in its way, the BoE might choose to take the easier option of selling more medium- and short-term bonds. Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.Central Banks is edited by Harvey NriapiaRecommended newsletters for you Free Lunch — Your guide to the global economic policy debate. Sign up hereThe Lex Newsletter — Lex, our investment column, breaks down the week’s key themes, with analysis by award-winning writers. Sign up here More

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    When the president wants a ‘low rates guy’

    Unlock the Editor’s Digest for freeRoula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.Trump loves low interest rates. And he really really really wants a low rates guy at the Federal Reserve. As Claire Jones reported in MainFT over the weekend.Donald Trump has said he will only pick a new Federal Reserve chair who will cut US interest rates, as he called on the central bank to slash borrowing costs to 1 per cent.Haven’t we seen this film before?© BloombergNo, not that film.Sure, there may be lessons from President Erdoğan’s decadal dalliance with trying to strong-arm Turkey’s interest rates down — and whether this was causally connected to the country’s soaring inflation rates, collapsing currency and teetering banking system.But our minds first went to the drama around the birth of the modern Fed in 1951. The story was told with gusto by Robert Hetzel and Ralph Leach in a gripping narrative account over 20 years ago. And while readers would be well-served by reading the whole thing, we’ve pulled out some highlights from what later became known as the Treasury-Fed Accord.Once the US entered WWII, inflationary concerns were put to one side in favour of national security. Short-term interest rates were pegged at 0.375 per cent, and yield curve control was implemented — with a cap on long-bond yields of 2.5 per cent. But while short rates could be — and were — lifted in 1947, the US Treasury insisted the Fed maintain the ceiling on longer-term bond yields. For President Truman it was a moral question of protecting the market value of war bonds purchased by patriots (he had himself been rinsed when he had to sell $100 of a WWI Liberty Loan for $80 on his return from France).The Federal Reserve board was not happy. Because after the initial postwar bust, inflation was getting yippy again.Some content could not load. Check your internet connection or browser settings.The Fed wanted to raise short rates, but the 2.5 per cent long bond yield cap seriously impaired their ability to do so. Higher short rates prompted the market to sell longer term bonds, in effect forcing the Fed into more and more QE to defend the cap. All this — they reckoned — was driving up inflation.But at the time, monetary policy was still in the hands of the president and the US Treasury. This became an tempting tool to use when the Korean war erupted in 1950, as Hetzel and Leach noted: Truman had compelling reasons to freeze interest rates. On January 25, 1951, he froze wages and prices, apart from farm prices. Raising the cost of borrowing, especially on home mortgages, while freezing wages was poison. More important, in January 1951 Truman confronted the possibility of world war . . . Truman and [Secretary of the Treasury] Snyder wanted to keep down the cost of financing the deficits that would emerge from a wider war.As war in Korea escalated, consumers rushed to buy goods, commodity prices soared, and CPI inflation — in the three months ending February 1951 — was running at an annualised rate of 21 per cent. Yikes. Truman therefore summoned not just Fed chairman McCabe but the entire Federal Open Market Committee to the White House to impress on them their patriotic duty to maintain confidence in government securities during a time of national crisis. The White House followed up with a press statement declaring that: The Federal Reserve Board has pledged its support to President Truman to maintain the stability of Government securities as long as the emergency lasts.Unfortunately, the FOMC had done no such thing. Maintaining public ambiguity as to their commitment to continue doing the Treasury’s bidding was one of the few cards they had. And Fed governor Marriner Eccles made sure the New York Times and the Washington Post knew it. Perhaps unsurprisingly, acrimony ensued with FOMC members making it ever clearer — and with ever-increasing volume — that rising inflation was the direct result of the yield cap forced on them by the Treasury.When Treasury secretary John Wesley Snyder headed into hospital for a cataract operation on 11 February, negotiations with the Fed were formally handed to a deputy, Treasury assistant secretary William McChesney Martin. The assumption (perhaps even the instruction) was to pause the escalating crisis for a few weeks until Snyder returned. However, Martin — a financial wunderkind who had become president of the NYSE more than a decade earlier at the age of just 31 — moved quickly.Chair William McChesney Martin, Jr More

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    Eurozone inflation rises to ECB’s 2% target

    Unlock the Editor’s Digest for freeRoula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.Eurozone inflation hit 2 per cent in June, rising back up to the European Central Bank’s medium-term target.June’s annual inflation reading, published on Tuesday, was an increase from May’s figure of 1.9 per cent and in line with economists’ expectations in a Reuters poll.Diego Iscaro, head of European economics at S&P Global Market Intelligence, said the rise was “modest” and “not particularly worrying”.He added that, while the ECB was likely to hold interest rates steady at its next meeting in July, “we see the door opening for a last [quarter-point] cut in September”. The central bank has halved rates to 2 per cent since last summer.ECB president Christine Lagarde said last month that the central bank was “getting to the end of a monetary policy cycle”.Core inflation, excluding volatile food and energy prices, remained steady at 2.3 per cent in June. The closely watched figure for services inflation — a gauge for domestic price pressures that has remained well above the 2 per cent target for more than three years — rose to 3.3 per cent, up slightly on the 3.2 per cent it reached in May.The euro was largely unchanged after Tuesday’s data release at $1.181.The currency has appreciated 14 per cent against the US dollar since the start of the year, making many imports to the Eurozone cheaper and having a downward effect on wider price pressures.Oil prices temporarily soared by up to 26 per cent after Israel began bombing Iran in June, reaching the highest level since the start of the year. However, most of those gains reversed after the US entered the conflict and brokered a ceasefire.Market expectations for interest rate cuts were unchanged after the June inflation figures were published. Traders continued to give a roughly 10 per cent chance to a quarter-point rate cut at the ECB’s next meeting in July, according to levels implied by swaps markets. More