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    U.S. Commerce aims to seek chips funding proposals by February

    WASHINGTON (Reuters) -The U.S. Commerce Department said Tuesday it hopes by February to begin seeking applications for $39 billion in government semiconductor chips subsidies to build new facilities and expand existing U.S. production.Congress in August approved $52.7 billion for semiconductor manufacturing and research and a 25% investment tax credit for chip plants, estimated to be worth $24 billion. That credit applies to projects that start construction after Jan. 1.President Joe Biden signed the legislation to boost efforts to make the United States more competitive with China and to subsidize U.S. chip manufacturing in a bid to alleviate a persistent chips shortage that has affected everything from washing machines and video games to cars and weapons.Commerce said Tuesday “funding documents, which will provide specific application guidance… will be released by early February 2023. Awards and loans will be made on a rolling basis as soon as applications can be responsibly processed, evaluated and negotiated.”The department said it plans https://www.nist.gov/system/files/documents/2022/09/06/CHIPS-for-America-Strategy.pdf to use $28 billion to “establish domestic production of leading edge logic and memory chips that require the most sophisticated manufacturing processes available today” and $10 billion for new manufacturing capacity for “mature and current-generation chips, new and specialty technologies, and for semiconductor industry suppliers,” which includes chips used by automakers, weapons and in medical devices.The chips bill also includes $11 billion for research and development spending.Commerce can use up to $6 billion to support loans or loan guarantees rather than grants and “could be leveraged to support a $75 billion credit program.”Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo told Reuters in an interview last week that the first priority was to get a team in place to oversee the program and then issue “high level principles and guidelines for how we’re going to be running this program and then we’re going to have a period of pretty intensive stakeholder engagement” over “the next handful of months.” More

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    Czech EU presidency says two proposals exist for setting maximum energy prices

    Sikela said the Czechs, who hold the rotating EU presidency, were collecting member states’ views on the proposals, which include either separating the high market price of gas from the prices of power plants generating electricity from gas; or setting a cap on prices charged by producers from lower-cost plants such as those using renewable sources, nuclear fuel and coal.EU countries are scrambling to tame record-high power prices that have shot up as Russia halted most gas flows to Europe in response to sanctions and to European support for Ukraine’s defence against Russia’s Feb. 24 invasion. A draft EU document, drafted by the Czech presidency and seen by Reuters on Sunday, said the ministers will consider options including a price cap on imported gas, a price cap on gas used to produce electricity, or temporarily removing gas power plants from the current EU system of setting electricity prices.It also proposed to provide liquidity for energy market participants. An earlier document on the European Commission’s upcoming proposals said they should include a price gap for power generators that do not run on gas. They would also include an EU-wide reduction of consumption, and using revenue above the price caps to help consumers pay their bills.The reason for soaring electricity prices is that the market price is set by the most expensive power plants running to meet demand, which at the moment are plants using expensive gas.Sikela said separating gas prices from those of electricity could lead to higher gas consumption, which was not a problem of the second plan. Sikela said there was an agreement on providing credit to traders to raise market liquidity. He said the presidency planned to release a summary of member states’ positions on Wednesday.He said the Czech government was working on a national solution alongside the European one. More

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    European energy groups secure government support amid cash crunch

    Energy companies across Europe are turning to governments to bolster their liquidity and secure supplies, as the gas crisis stoked by Russia’s war against Ukraine tests their ability to stay afloat.Switzerland’s largest renewable electricity producer Axpo and Finnish utility Fortum both said on Tuesday they had secured big new state-backed credit lines.Power producers across Europe are facing an acute cash crunch as sharply rising energy prices lead to ballooning collateral requirements on the futures exchanges where they hedge their supply contracts. Centrica, owner of British Gas, is in talks with banks to secure billions of pounds in extra credit, the Financial Times reported on Monday.The Swiss government activated legislation to stabilise the finances of its energy companies at an emergency meeting of the governing federal council on Monday evening, following an urgent appeal by Axpo over the weekend. Axpo has been granted immediate access to a SFr4bn ($4.1bn) credit line, Bern said, to help it cover trading and collateral costs in the face of soaring prices. Funding will also be available for Switzerland’s two other big energy companies, Alpiq and BKW, although neither has yet applied for liquidity. “We cannot afford for a large electricity company to become insolvent and take other companies with it,” energy minister Simonetta Somaruga said on Tuesday. “We want to prevent a wildfire by all means possible . . . There have never been such high jumps in prices in Europe as there are now.”The bailout comes with a high financial cost: the finance ministry said it would charge companies interest of 6-11 per cent on emergency funding — a punitive rate that could wipe out annual profits for the companies should they fully utilise the available funds. Switzerland is particularly vulnerable to turmoil in European energy markets this winter. The wealthy alpine country’s dependence on hydroelectricity means it must import up to 40 per cent of its electricity needs during the colder months, when lakes and rivers in the alps freeze. “This credit line ensures that, should the situation intensify further, Axpo is in a position to cover the collateral requirements of long-term power supply contracts concluded with its customers, and continue contributing to Switzerland’s security of energy supply,” Axpo said in a statement.The company has not yet drawn down on the funds.

    Fortum, which is majority owned by the Finnish state, on Tuesday agreed to a €2.35bn liquidity facility with a state-owned holding company at an annual interest rate of 14.2 per cent.If Fortum uses the facility — which it described as a “last resort” — it would be unable to raise management salaries or pay bonuses and would have to issue extra shares to the state-holding company, Solidium. However, it would be able to pay dividends.“The ongoing energy crisis in Europe is caused by Russia’s decision to use energy as a weapon and it is now also severely affecting Fortum and other Nordic power producers . . . The arrangement provided by the Finnish state strengthens our liquidity backstop in the midst of the turbulence,” said chief executive Markus Rauramo.Finland and Sweden unveiled separate guarantee packages of up to €33bn at the weekend to avert what the Finnish economy minister called “all the ingredients for the energy sector’s version of Lehman Brothers”.Illustrating the extreme volatility in the markets, Fortum said its collateral demands had fallen last week by €1.5bn to €3.5bn, after rising the week before by €1bn. It said a week ago that the Nordic market could collapse if there was a default of even a small utility.Fortum needs to make use of at least €350mn from the liquidity facility by the end of September otherwise it would end. The liquidity cannot be used by Fortum’s German subsidiary, Uniper, which has said it needs a bigger credit line after exhausting the one provided by the German state.Rauramo repeated his calls for regulatory changes to “curb the unreasonably high margining and collateral requirements”. He added that power companies should be able to use their future production as collateral so that companies, many of which are earning record profits, do not technically default due to margin calls. More

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    Industrial metal prices melt as global recession fears flare up

    A brief summer rally in the prices of industrial metals has sharply reversed as the worsening energy crisis in Europe and signs of a slowdown in manufacturing behemoth China spook traders. The S&P GSCI index of industrial metals has dropped more than 9 per cent since mid-August, leaving it back near its lows in July when fears of a global recession were swirling across trading desks. The gauge, which tracks the spot price of metals including copper, nickel and aluminium, is down 17 per cent in 2022, having been up by more than a quarter at its peak in the wake of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The renewed selling in metals that are used to make a wide range of products such as car parts, steel and electric wires highlights how concerns about global demand are again coming to the fore as economists worry that a surge in energy prices will weigh heavily on industry. “This is all about recession and recession fear,” said Clive Burstow, head of natural resources at Barings, an investment management group. “The fear is we are in an energy crisis driving us to a recession. Where we get the tussle in the market is how deep is that recession going to be.”European gas prices jumped 17 per cent on Monday, pushing them back towards the record highs they reached late last month, after Russia said it would indefinitely suspend flows of gas through a key pipeline to Europe. Higher gas prices are sparking fears that both big businesses and consumers will need to cut back on their usage to lower their bills. “Demand destruction is happening on the consumer side, so it’s filtering through to the metals markets,” said Peter Ghilchik, head of multi commodity analysis at consultancy CRU.Copper, a barometer for global economic health, has fallen about 6 per cent to above $7,650 a tonne in just over a week, snuffing out most of the widely used industrial metal’s rebound after it crashed from its record high in March above $10,600 a tonne. Steelmaking ingredient iron ore has dropped below $100 a tonne, from a high of more than $160 per tonne earlier this year.Adding to the gloomy outlook has been a string of disappointing economic data out of China as the world’s largest consumer of raw materials continues to put areas under Covid-19 lockdowns, extending curbs covering tens of millions of people in Chengdu and Shenzhen. The closely watched Caixin business survey released last week showed activity in China’s vast factory sector slipped into contraction territory in August as new orders fell for the first time in three months. In the US, the Federal Reserve sent a strong message last month on its determination to tame surging inflation by boosting interest rates, which has helped to power the US dollar to a 20-year-high against a basket of major currencies. Commodity prices, mostly traded in the US dollar, tend to fall as a strengthening US currency makes them more expensive.Colin Hamilton, managing director of commodities research at BMO, said a steady weakening of China’s renminbi against the dollar had further fuelled the commodity slump since it made raw material imports more expensive for China.Concerns over the economy in Europe, the US and China prompted German bank Commerzbank to downgrade prices for the most important base metals for the next two quarters.

    Nevertheless, concerns over supplies are helping to limit the falls in industrial metals prices, analysts said. The sector has already been hit by the shutdown in manufacturing facilities due to skyrocketing gas and energy prices in Europe. At the end of last week, Dutch aluminium producer Aldel announced that it would halt production at one of its plants and ArcelorMittal said it would switch off one of the blast furnaces at a steelworks in Bremen, Germany. Ghilchik said the bulk of the sell-off for metals was done but he expected a bumpy ride in the weeks ahead as traders gauge the depth of recession against the tightness of supply.“It looks like prices have hit or are near to a cyclical low and in general commodity prices should remain supported by supply concerns and other factors,” he said.Goldman Sachs said commodities were pricing a recession more than any other asset class. “Excessive recession fears continue to grip commodity markets,” its analysts wrote in a note, adding that “physical fundamentals signal some of the tightest markets in decades”. More

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    'Why we need a wealth tax'

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    The importance of wealth in our economies and the inequality of that wealth have been going up for decades, but the tax revenue raised from that wealth has not followed suit. So I think politicians facing pressure on their public finances are missing a trick, and that trick is an annual levy on the total wealth of taxpayers. Welcome to Free Lunch On Film, the series where I explore controversial economic policy ideas that I find appealing, such as an annual wealth tax. So if you create a tax system that taxes the rich efficiently, then I’ll be happy to give it away. I think it would be an awful idea. What we’re really talking about is not a wealth tax, but a punishment tax of some kind. They are complicated to administer and haven’t raised much revenue. The thing it can do that no other tax on wealth can do is to reduce wealth inequality at the very top. In the last 40 years wealth and capital have become much more important in rich economies. The total amount of wealth has gone from about three times annual national income to more than six times, and this larger amount of wealth is now distributed more unevenly than it used to. In many countries owners of capital now receive a larger share of national income than earlier, and workers a smaller share. For that reason, some of the very rich think that they should pay a wealth tax. Like Gary Stevenson. Born in east London, he became Citibank’s top trader. He now campaigns for pressure group Patriotic Millionaires. So I came to the conclusion that we had a structural problem with inequality that wouldn’t get fixed, which means that there would never be an economic recovery. And I started betting on that, and by the end of that year, I was Citibank’s most profitable trader in the world. So, you know, I’ve spent a lot of time thinking about this. I think that if you don’t fix inequality the economy will get worse and worse and worse and worse. And I’m from a poor background. There’s people from where I’m from, like my friends, like my family, like me growing up, that are bearing the brunt of that. And yet many governments have moved away from directly taxing this growing wealth. Until the 1990s about a dozen European countries levied a net wealth tax, and one by one they got rid of it. Like here in France. When Emmanuel Macron became president in 2017 one of his first acts was to abolish the country’s net wealth tax. For his opponents that branded him as the president of the rich. For his supporters, it ushered in a new era of French business dynamism. The idea of repealing the wealth tax was to make France more competitive and attractive to entrepreneurs. Sarah Perret, an economist at the OECD think-tank, has looked hard at the pros and cons of a wealth tax. They are unusual today. There are only three OECD countries that currently levy annual wealth taxes, and those countries are Norway, Spain, and Switzerland. It’s not that other countries don’t tax wealth at all. We have many taxes that could be called wealth taxes in a broad sense. My critics will point out that you’re taxed when you buy a house, or when you inherit, or on capital gains when you sell an asset, to name just a few examples. Merryn Somerset Webb is an investment columnist for the FT. We don’t call them wealth taxes, but they are wealth taxes. You can disagree with them or agree with them as you like, and I think that they’re very flawed; but nonetheless, they do something that makes sense, which is that they ask people to hand over money at the point at which they have money – at a point of transaction. So what is a wealth tax proper? A net wealth tax is a tax on the net wealth of individuals – so assets minus debts – and it’s usually levied on only certain individuals above a certain threshold of wealth, so it doesn’t apply to everybody. And the important part as well is that it’s a recurrent tax… we’re talking about annual wealth taxes. So the base on which a net wealth tax would be levied includes all the wealth somebody owns – property, obviously; also financial wealth, such as bank deposits, shares, bonds; but also valuables, like art and jewellery, fine wine and classic cars, and ownership stakes in private businesses. From all that, you would deduct the debts somebody owes – a mortgage on their house, car loans, money they may have borrowed to invest – and finally, you would deduct a tax free allowance. And with all of that, you would arrive at the taxable wealth on which an annual rate would be levied. So for example, the people in the top 1 per cent of wealth – they are people who have more than £2mn in wealth – so if, say, you had £2.5mn in wealth and you had a 1 per cent annual wealth tax, then you’d be paying 1 per cent on the bit of wealth you have above £2mn – so about half a million. So someone at £2.5mn would be paying about £5,000 a year. And the list of taxable assets could go on – private jets, pension plans, trusts, horses, intellectual property. So at a time of increasing demands on public finance, is a wealth tax worth considering? Most economists and tax experts are sceptical, as are many of my FT colleagues. Most countries who’ve tried this find that it doesn’t work, so I’m… to be honest, I’m bemused we’re still having a conversation about it. But especially after the pandemic some experts think it’s an option we should at least look into. The pandemic was awful for almost everybody. You know, lots of people were getting into debt, and at the top end you just see wealth continue to rise, continue to explode. And I think that’s one of the reasons that people have then really been thinking, well, how are we taxing this wealth? Why aren’t we getting more money from the people who, in some sense, really have the broadest shoulders? Arun Advani co-chaired an independent commission of academics in the UK, which ended up backing a one-off wealth tax. From an economic point of view, I think a tax like this at the very top end is very sensible. And Sarah Perret says it is becoming a live issue, and not just in Europe. So the most prominent example was the US, where wealth taxes were a big part of the debate in the Democratic primaries. But there’s also been discussions in some Latin American countries… Chile is one; Argentina introduced a one-off wealth tax during the pandemic. So let’s go through the arguments for and against. First, the basic function of taxes is to raise revenue for the government. So how much could a wealth tax bring in? Potentially it could raise significant amounts of revenue… and not only that, but from a limited number of very wealthy taxpayers. So for example, if you were to have an annual wealth tax that taxed all wealth above £10mn. That would be taxing the top 22,000 people in the country, and that would raise, at a rate of, say, 1 per cent, it would raise about £10bn. So that would be enough, for example, to send every household a cheque for more than £400. Of course, this money isn’t free. Somebody has to pay it, and some would say the rich are taxed enough already. To look at the UK and say wealth is undertaxed relative to income, I think, is completely wrong. We’ve already had a jolly good go at the rich over the last couple of decades, and we’ve had an excellent go at the moderately rich as well. But others disagree, like Gary Stevenson. The problem is the taxes that we have don’t redistribute wealth because they’re all taxes on income, and some rich people pay extremely low rates on their incomes from their wealth. And so just with income taxes, the tax burden on these very wealthy individuals might be minimal. And so, say you’re a billionaire, and you never sell your shares. You’re never going to be subject to capital gains taxes. Say your company doesn’t distribute dividends; you’re not going to be paying dividend taxes on your dividend income. And so obviously, a wealth tax might be a way of taxing potentially very wealthy people. I think there are three ways you could respond to the fact that a wealth tax could raise serious amounts of money. One is to question the need for that extra government revenue – ultimately, a political judgement for each of us. Another is to say that some countries have relatively low tax burdens, others have very high ones, so the wealth tax question depends on which country we’re talking about. But the third response is to consider a wealth tax, not as a policy to raise more government revenue, but to raise the same amount of revenue in smarter ways. A wealth tax could be used to reduce taxes on work. It’s not the richest paying the most tax, it’s not. It’s the… it’s the people who work who pay the most tax. A wealth tax could also replace other taxes on capital. That could, in theory, encourage better and more productive investments. A wealth tax is levied irrespective of the returns that your assets generate; so the last thing that you want when you have a wealth tax is to have assets that don’t generate any returns, or that generate really small returns, because you’ll be taxed anyway, so that should encourage you to invest in more… in higher yielding, more productive assets. So here’s a proposal that I think could win over some sceptics; to introduce a wealth tax specifically to lower or eliminate other taxes, if they believe that that’s what would happen. Would I be happy with a, say, 1 per cent annual wealth tax if other taxes were reduced or removed? Well, that would be a perfectly reasonable conversation, but I’ve been in this business a long time now, and so have you, and I have never seen a tax abolished, not once. Ever. Now if you think that public spending needs to go up to pay for better schools, or hospitals, or roads, then this is fine. So long as you can be sure that a wealth tax will actually bring in the expected extra money. For here, we come to the pragmatic objections to wealth taxes because in practice, they have not always worked as advertised. They didn’t raise that much revenue in the countries that had them because there were so many assets benefiting from either full exemptions or other forms of preferential tax treatment, and often those were the assets that were predominantly held by the wealthiest people. And so that means that an increase in the value of household wealth doesn’t necessarily translate in an increase in wealth tax revenues. And the problem hasn’t just been about exempting some assets, typically your home, or more unusual assets like artwork. It is also about avoidance and evasion. It was relatively easy to avoid and evade wealth taxes in a lot of countries, which led to… in France, we would say the wealth tax was a tax on the millionaires, not the billionaires. You know what? I think these guys would pay it if they felt no one else was avoiding it. The problem is you create a situation where it’s easy to avoid, and then it becomes a choice. And then you’re a rich guy, and all the other guys you work with are avoiding it, and then their kids are going to go to better schools than your kids, and their kids are going to have nicer houses than your kids because you chose to pay tax. There’s another common criticism; that many people with property wealth don’t have the cash to pay a wealth tax. If you live in your house, it doesn’t give you a return. It doesn’t give you income that you can use to then pay the tax, and so we always give this example of the retiree in a house that has tripled in value in the last 30 years, and they’re faced with the wealth tax. It’s incredibly cruel, very unkind, to people who hold wealth and are unable to come up with cash without making very significant changes to their lifestyle. Well, there are solutions: you can have tax deferrals; you can have tax payment in instalments; also, solutions like imposing a tax cap limiting the total amount of tax that you owe as a share of your income. Another practical objection is that wealth is really hard to value. So how do you value a private company? How do you value land? How do you value a picture? How do you value the things that make up wealth? This is an extraordinarily intense admin effort we have to be put into this. And I think there is some merit to that. That’s why I think you wouldn’t want to have a wealth tax that covers huge shares of the population… covers, you know, 10 per cent or something. Firstly, it’s administratively easier because it’s just a small number of them. The other point is that they are typically people who are wealthy enough that actually, they have other people managing their money for them already, where they already have some process going on, and so actually, it’s not that hard for them usually to get some kind of value and to have some discussion about where those values come from. The idea that your personal belongings should somehow be catalogued and valued by the state, I think, is very intrusive. In any case, the poor design of many actual wealth taxes was the main reason why they were eventually abolished. So what would a well-designed wealth tax look like? You have to capture all kinds of wealth, and if your worry is that you’re capturing people who are too ordinary for what you’re trying to go for, you need to set the threshold higher, not exempt certain asset classes – not take out businesses, or not take out pensions, or not take out houses. The people who are the problem. It’s not the people with £1mn, it’s the people with £100mn. I’d be more than happy to exclude people with wealth of one, two, three million pounds if that meant that we got the people who are rich. And there’s a need to look at structures that may be used by individuals to circumvent wealth taxes, like trusts or foundations, or other similar structures that may be used. I think that is an important element. And then continuing efforts on – I was saying we made great progress on preventing offshore tax evasion – we need to continue working on that, because that is a prerequisite to have well-functioning wealth taxes. Politics means that no tax will ever live up to theoretical perfection, but even less-than-perfect wealth taxes are not doomed to fail. We know this because some countries have kept them for decades, if not centuries: Switzerland and Norway. They’re not perfect – they also suffer from exemptions and loopholes – but they do seem sustainable, both economically and politically. These are, after all, two of the world’s most successful economies. In both countries the wealth tax substitutes for other taxes. Inheritance tax has been eliminated in Norway. Switzerland strictly limits both inheritance tax and capital gains tax, and the Swiss wealth tax alone contributes as much as four per cent of total tax revenue. There’s another practical objection to address. Wouldn’t a wealth tax just drive the wealthy away? If people have to pay a tax, and they do not have the income to pay that tax, then they will find… a) find ways not to pay it; or b) change their behaviour in order to produce the money to pay it. There comes a point when you have to think, well, you know, might they just move to Portugal? What does the evidence say? There is definitely anecdotal evidence of people leaving countries with wealth taxes, and usually they were very high-profile cases, and quite vocal about it. So think about Gerard Depardieu in France. Another case that’s cited is the founder of IKEA in Sweden, for example. And so there’s definitely anecdotal evidence, but we’re still missing solid evidence on, let’s say, the scale of the issue. So do the wealthy move away to avoid wealth taxes? Well, the Swiss and Norwegian experiences suggest not. Both have more millionaires per capita than all the G7 countries, though to be fair, Switzerland does have a lighter system for foreign tax exiles. Anyway, there are things governments can do. When US presidential hopeful Elizabeth Warren proposed a wealth tax, her advisers outlined a large one-off exit levy that would apply when someone moved their wealth out of the tax net. Even those who move away will have to leave some assets behind, and those can be taxed. I like the term wealth creator. It’s sort of… conceptually, like they’re Gandalf or something… they come with their magic, and they create wealth in society. And we imagine them like they got a big bag of cash that they can just magic off to the Cayman Islands. These people are rich because they own our houses, they own our mortgages, you know what I mean? They own our… they own our skyscrapers. And they can leave; the stuff is still here. The government knows that if we actually wanted to tax these people based on the assets which are here and cannot be moved, we could do it, but the government choose not to do it. But even if they stay, could a wealth tax not discourage the wealthy from saving and investing? Could the wealth creators just stop creating wealth? The studies that are out there show that the impact on savings, on wealth accumulation, are limited, and they find stronger impacts on how people report their wealth, on tax avoidance, and on tax evasion. Even my wealth tax sceptic colleague agrees with that. Humans are natural improvers, barterers, accumulators, et cetera… it’s a natural instinct. People are not going to stop attempting to accumulate, but they may certainly attempt to avoid or evade anyone removing any of that accumulated wealth from them. All of this taken together suggests to me that a wealth tax doesn’t have to be as impractical or as punitive as it’s sometimes made out to be. But it’s also not yet obvious what a wealth tax achieves that we can’t do better and simpler by fixing the taxes we already have. You might want to look at your existing instruments first – so your capital gains taxes, your inheritance and gift taxes – because there’s so much scope to reform those taxes. Start with that, because you can go a long way towards raising revenue from the wealthiest households and narrowing wealth gaps. There is one thing however that a wealth tax can do more forcefully than any other tax. At the point that enough people are concerned that wealth inequality at the very top end is rising – and that’s something they want to do something about – that’s the point at which it’s clear that none of the alternatives will work, and that’s the point I think in which we’ll see people actually passing an annual wealth tax. If you think inequality has become dangerously high and has to be reduced, a smart wealth tax is the quickest and simplest way to do that. The ones who are smart they realise that being rich personally is not worth destroying your society, and that needs… it needs outflows from the rich to be enormously more, to be really, honestly, enormously more. There’s no other way to say it. So what have I learned from these conversations about annual wealth taxes? Well, if well-designed, it would definitely reduce wealth inequality, and it could very well encourage more productive investment; but it would have to be very carefully structured, both to overcome the very real practical challenges and the design flaws that have made countries abandon wealth taxes in the past. Above all, it could raise very significant amounts of revenue. And at a time of slowing growth and pressured public finances, that is an advantage policymakers cannot afford to ignore. And finally, we’d love to hear what you think, so please share your comments. More

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    Malaysia central bank to deliver two more 25-bp rate hikes this year

    (Reuters) – Malaysia’s central bank will deliver a third consecutive 25 basis point interest rate hike on Thursday and a fourth in November to quell growing inflationary pressures but will opt to move slowly despite a hawkish U.S. Federal Reserve, a Reuters poll found.Although Malaysian inflation rose to 4.4% in July, well above the target range of 2-3%, it is relatively moderate compared with other Southeast Asian countries, allowing the central bank to move at a slower pace.Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) has raised rates by a modest 50 basis points since May to 2.25%.All but one of 20 economists in the Aug. 30-Sept. 5 Reuters poll forecast BNM to hike by 25 basis points to 2.50% at its Sept. 8 meeting. If realised, it would be the first time since 2010 the central bank raised rates three times in a row.One economist expected a 50 basis point hike.”Given a robust GDP growth print in 2Q22, signs of further economic expansion in 2H22 albeit at a moderate pace, and broadening second-round effects on inflation, Bank Negara Malaysia will likely follow-through with a third 25bps rate hike,” noted Julia Goh, senior economist at UOB.”Besides internal factors, we believe the expected outsized Fed rate hikes in the coming months and global monetary conditions would also be taken into consideration by BNM at the September meeting.”Eighty percent of respondents, 16 of 20, forecast another 25 basis point hike at the November meeting and the median showed it at 2.75%.Nearly 60% of economists, 11 of 19, who had a long-term view on rates expected the overnight rate to reach 3.00% by end-March. The remaining eight said 2.75%.If the majority view prevails, interest rates would be where they were before the pandemic. They were then expected to stay unchanged until the end of next year at least.A net exporter of oil, Malaysia’s economy grew 8.9% in the April-June quarter, the fastest pace in a year. Robust growth along with signals of further U.S. Fed rate hikes will nudge policymakers to continue tightening.Still, with the risks of a sharp slowdown in China, Malaysia’s biggest trading partner, economists only expect the pace to be modest.”Bank Negara Malaysia’s preference for gradual policy rate hike adjustments balances a recovering domestic economy that faces downside global growth risks and rising inflation pressures,” noted Han Teng Chua, economist at DBS. More

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    Curtains drawing on runaway rise in global house prices- Reuters poll

    BENGALURU (Reuters) – A runaway surge in global house prices is drawing to a close as interest rates rise along with the cost of living, according to Reuters polls of housing analysts, who said prices needed to fall in double digits in several key markets to turn affordable.Ultra-low interest rates and strong demand from remote workers which helped house prices in most major economies to outpace not only real wages but also returns on their respective stock markets was now coming to an end.What was not ending yet was the rise in consumer inflation, which is above most central banks’ targeted ranges and in several cases at multi-decade highs, setting the stage for more rate hikes to come over the coming months.That doesn’t bode well for a sector which is sensitive to higher interest rates at a time when hordes of new home owners have bought homes at the peak of a multi-year boom in housing.”We’ve seen material changes of course already in mortgage rates ticking up from the record low rates of a year or so ago…(which) will begin to bite households,” said Adam Challis, executive director of research and strategy for EMEA at JLL.Reuters polls of over 100 housing strategists taken Aug. 12- Sept. 2 showed house prices in nearly all the nine major housing markets to slow over the next two years by more than was predicted three months ago.While only India and Dubai were forecast to post some marginal gains, those median estimates were nearly identical to the May poll.Despite that tempered outlook, a crash in house prices was not a view shared by most analysts as strong labour markets across the developed world were expected to keep delinquency rates from rising.But most analysts said prices were already so high that even the low single-digit rises predicted from here, or in some cases outright falls, weren’t enough to make them affordable.Supply isn’t improving either as house building is not expected to keep with demand.”Affordability has worsened and it would take quite a large price adjustment on the way down to actually kind of get back to the affordability metrics we were at six months ago,” said Liam Bailey, global head of research at Knight Frank.Bailey said the most likely near-term outlook for property markets is that turnover slows to a trickle as sellers are reluctant to admit the market is falling and they need to cut their asking prices. GRAPHIC: Reuters Poll – Global housing markets (https://fingfx.thomsonreuters.com/gfx/polling/gdpzyxwwdvw/Reuters%20Poll%20-%20Global%20housing%20markets.PNG) But even when price declines kick in for most markets as predicted next year, analysts are only calling for a small dent in how much average prices have risen over the last few years. Where housing was rated expensive, analysts said prices need to fall in double digits or close to that level to become affordable.Canada, Australia and New Zealand, the three most overvalued markets according to the poll, where average house prices have risen by 45%, 35% and 40% over the pandemic, need to fall 17.5%, 17.5%, and 20%, respectively, to get back to affordable. [CA/HOMES] [AU/HOMES]UK house prices need to fall 8.5% to become affordable, according to the poll, the least among developed countries. [GB/HOMES]In Germany and the U.S., where rates are now sharply on the rise, those figures were 15% and 10%. [US/HOMES]James Knightley, chief international economist at ING, noted of the U.S. market that “with borrowing costs having nearly doubled we see demand dropping sharply in terms of mortgage applications for home purchase just at a time when supply is really being ramped up.””This is a recipe for some sharp corrections in several former ‘hot spots’,” he said. (For other stories from the Reuters quarterly housing market polls:) More

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    HSBC and Metro bank join Britain's Stop Scams hotline

    LONDON (Reuters) – HSBC, its online arm First Direct, and Metro Bank have joined a fraud-reporting hotline as the cost of living crisis increases the number of financial scams, an industry body said on Tuesday.Britain has become the scam capital of the world as more people bank online, especially since the COVID-19 pandemic began unfolding in 2020.Stop Scams UK, a banking and online industry network launched a year ago, allows customers to dial 159 to report a fraud to their own bank rather than having to find its number.Members already include Barclays (LON:BARC), Meta, Microsoft (NASDAQ:MSFT), Google (NASDAQ:GOOGL), NatWest, Nationwide Building Society, Santander (BME:SAN) and Talk Talk.”By calling 159 it will help people break the scammer’s spell, it’s an important piece of armour that customers can use to help in protecting themselves,” said Baz Thompson, head of fraud at Metro Bank.UK Finance, a banking industry body, has said there was a 39% increase last year in fraudsters tricking customers into making real-time payments.In cash terms, criminal gangs stole over 583 million pounds from individuals and small businesses, by pretending to be either a bank or other service provider.”The cost-of-living crisis is only making the problem worse,” Stop Scams UK said.Faced with rocketing energy, mortgage and food bills, many more households will become vulnerable to scams.HSBC, First Direct and Metro add 18.5 million customers to the 159 service, which now covers the overwhelming majority of UK banking customers, Stops Scams UK said.Since its launch in September last year, there have been over 150,000 calls to the hotline, and Britain has proposed an ‘online safety bill’ to help regulators crack down harder on financial scams.Banks hope the bill will include clearer guidance allowing them to share anonymised customer data for spotting new types of scams faster, but it faces opposition from privacy campaigners. More