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    Australia central bank says inflation too high for near-term rate cut

    SYDNEY (Reuters) – Australia’s top central banker said on Thursday that core inflation was too high to allow for rate cuts in the near term, all but ruling out relief for borrowers at its next policy meeting in December.Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) Governor Michele Bullock told an economic conference that core inflation of 3.5% in the third quarter was above the RBA’s goal of 2% to 3%, and policy needed to stay restrictive until it was confident the target band could be reached.”As it currently stands, underlying inflation is still too high to be considering lowering the cash rate target in the near term,” Bullock said. “There is still some way to go to return inflation sustainably within our 2% to 3% target range,” Bullock said.”Our forecasts published in the November Statement on Monetary Policy suggest that a sustainable return to target will occur in 2026,” she added.Demand and supply in the economy were coming back to better balance as higher borrowing costs weighed on consumer spending, Bullock noted, but it would take time.The central bank has kept its cash rate at 4.35% for an entire year, and markets had already seen only a 10% chance of a quarter-point cut at its next board meeting on Dec. 10.The probability of a move in February is put at only 23%, and a drop to 4.10% is not fully priced until May.That outlook is markedly different from most of the other developed economies which have already embarked on easing cycles. Neighbouring New Zealand slashed its rates by 50 basis points to 4.25% this week, taking them below Australia’s rates.Bullock said these varying speeds reflected the different priorities central banks placed on their inflation and employment targets.The RBA had sought to retain most of the substantial job gains made since the pandemic and therefore had not tightened policy as much as its peers.”Consistent with this, inflation has been somewhat higher relative to target here than in most of those economies, and the labour market is also tighter,” she said.The unemployment rate in Australia had risen by less than most of its peers this year and remained historically low at 4.1% in October. The demand for workers was also robust, particularly in sectors such as health care and education, Bullock added.”Indeed, Australia’s labour market conditions appear unusually tight, relative to those in other peer economies,” Bullock said. “At present, we judge that conditions in the labour market remain tighter than what would be consistent with low and stable inflation.” More

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    South Korea lowers interest rates over Trump fears

    Standard DigitalStandard & FT Weekend Printwasnow $29 per 3 monthsThe new FT Digital Edition: today’s FT, cover to cover on any device. This subscription does not include access to ft.com or the FT App.What’s included Global news & analysisExpert opinionFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit appFirstFT: the day’s biggest stories20+ curated newslettersFollow topics & set alerts with myFTFT Videos & Podcasts20 monthly gift articles to shareLex: FT’s flagship investment column15+ Premium newsletters by leading expertsFT Digital Edition: our digitised print editionWeekday Print EditionFT WeekendFT Digital EditionGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresExclusive FT analysisFT Digital EditionGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresExclusive FT analysisGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit appFirstFT: the day’s biggest stories20+ curated newslettersFollow topics & set alerts with myFTFT Videos & Podcasts10 monthly gift articles to shareGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit appFirstFT: the day’s biggest stories20+ curated newslettersFollow topics & set alerts with myFTFT Videos & Podcasts20 monthly gift articles to shareLex: FT’s flagship investment column15+ Premium newsletters by leading expertsFT Digital Edition: our digitised print editionEverything in PrintWeekday Print EditionFT WeekendFT Digital EditionGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresExclusive FT analysisPlusEverything in Premium DigitalEverything in Standard DigitalGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresFirstFT newsletterVideos & PodcastsFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit app10 gift articles per monthExclusive FT analysisPremium newslettersFT Digital Edition10 additional gift articles per monthMake and share highlightsFT WorkspaceMarkets data widgetSubscription ManagerWorkflow integrationsOccasional readers go freeVolume discountFT Weekend Print deliveryPlusEverything in Standard DigitalFT Weekend Print deliveryPlusEverything in Premium Digital More

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    Analysis-BOJ’s retreat from low rates heightens Japan’s debt troubles

    TOKYO (Reuters) -The Bank of Japan’s retreat from a decade-long radical stimulus is pressuring the government to rethink the way it funds its big spending packages with additional debt, a challenge made more daunting by political demands for permanent tax breaks.Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba’s administration plans to spend 13.9 trillion yen ($92 billion) for a package of steps to cushion the blow from rising living costs, which will be funded by this year’s supplementary budget to be finalised on Friday.Ishiba’s ruling coalition is also seen swallowing opposition party demands for permanent tax breaks, which analysts say may slash next year’s tax revenues by up to 4 trillion yen.Such steps would come in the wake of the BOJ’s exit from ultra-low interest rates, which increases the cost of funding Japan’s 1,100-trillion-yen debt pile – the biggest among advanced nations and nearly double the size of its economy.Contrary to other advanced nations that had phased out pandemic-mode stimulus, Japan continues to compile big spending packages thanks in part to still-low interest rates.But Japan can no longer rely on the BOJ to keep borrowing costs low as it ditched its yield cap in March, laid out a plan to taper bond purchases and signaled its resolve to keep hiking short-term rates from the current 0.25%.Japan is expected to spend 27 trillion yen, or 24% of this year’s total budget, on debt-servicing costs. While the 10-year bond yield is well below the 2.1% the ministry used to craft this year’s budget, the cost could balloon if bond yields spike.There is no sign the prospects of higher rates is leading to fiscal restraint. Total (EPA:TTEF) Japanese government bonds (JGB) issuance for the current fiscal year ending in March, estimated at 182 trillion yen, is down 6% from last year but may increase due to Ishiba’s spending package.Analysts expect total bond issuance for next fiscal year to remain largely unchanged from this year’s, or increase depending on the size of tax breaks under negotiation among politicians.CLOCK TICKINGThe dilemma runs deep for the finance ministry, which oversees debt-issuance plans and must fill a huge hole left by the BOJ’s diminishing presence in the Japanese Government Bond market.For one, the ministry must reduce issuance of super-long JGBs due to dwindling demand from life insurers. That heightens the importance of private banks to re-emerge as major buyers of JGBs, but luring them back won’t be easy.As the BOJ’s heavy buying crushed yields, private banks now hold just 14% of the JGB market, down from 41% before the introduction of Kuroda’s stimulus in 2013. Tighter capital regulation has also made banks wary of ramping up bond buying.”Given solid demand from banks, there were calls to increase issuance of medium- to long-term JGBs. There were also strong requests to boost issuance of treasury discount bills,” a finance ministry official told reporters after meeting with market participants on Tuesday, signaling readiness to sell debt with shorter maturity that are easier for banks to buy.Issuing too many short-term bonds, however, would require Japan to roll over debt more frequently and make its finances vulnerable to bond market swings.While the ministry is looking to attract more individual and overseas investors, they are unlikely to become big and stable enough holders to ensure smooth debt issuance, analysts say.To be sure, Japan likely won’t face imminent trouble selling debt, with the benchmark 10-year JGB yield hovering around 1% and the central bank pledging to go slow in raising borrowing costs.But the clock is ticking for Japan to get its fiscal house in order. A credit ratings downgrade in Japan’s sovereign debt could boost the cost of raising foreign funds for banks and firms, Kyohei Morita, chief economist at Nomura Securities, told a seminar on Tuesday.”When we’re seeing changes in the way wages and inflation move in Japan, it’s wrong to assume there won’t be any change in the way interest rates behave,” he said.($1 = 151.1700 yen) More

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    Analysis-Russia’s labour shortage spreads as defence sector poaches staff

    MOSCOW (Reuters) – “Bus number seven was not running this morning,” Olga Slatina wrote on social media from the Sverdlovsk region in Russia’s Ural Mountains. “The dispatcher said it wouldn’t be there as there was no one to work.”Slatina’s bus driver in the city of Kamensk-Uralsky may have simply called in sick on that day in late October. But a growing labour shortage is affecting all areas of life since Moscow sent troops into Ukraine in February 2022, companies, workers, recruitment agencies and officials say.Heavy recruitment by the armed forces and defence industries has drawn workers away from civilian enterprises, as has emigration, pushing unemployment to a record low of 2.3%, data from the Rosstat statistics service showed on Wednesday.Huge increases in defence spending helped Russia defy early predictions at home and in the West of a catastrophic economic collapse in 2022, with only a small contraction that year.The economy rebounded in 2023, but labour shortages, interest rates at 21% and high inflation show some of the cracks.President Vladimir Putin has flagged the labour shortage as a major economic problem and has set boosting Russia’s labour productivity index as one of his key national development goals. Russia is also seeking to encourage women to have more children.Sverdlovsk, home to many defence sector factories, had 54,912 job vacancies at the start of October, compared to 8,762 unemployed people, according to the region’s labour department. In the central federal district that is home to around 40 million people in Russia’s west, there are nine vacancies for every unemployed person, the president’s special envoy to the area Igor Shchegolev said on Tuesday.Russian recruiter Superjob said vacancies across Russia had increased 1.7 times in two years and 2.5 times in industry, while the central bank says 73% of Russian businesses are short of staff. “The ‘personnel famine’ has turned into a universal phenomenon, capturing practically all parts of the economic system,” Rostislav Kapelyushnikov, deputy director of the labour research centre at Moscow’s Higher School of Economics (HSE), said in a report. Reuters interviewed over a dozen companies, workers, recruiters and economists about industries as varied as construction, agriculture and IT. The persistent theme was that workers are scarce and prospects for finding more are bleak.   ‘THERE ARE NO MEN’Russia’s low birth rate has for years caused labour shortage headaches in Russia, but the launch of what Moscow calls a “special military operation” resulted in tens of thousands of potential workers joining the army and many others emigrating.At the same time, the defence sector began hiring fast. “You had a kind of semi-dead factory in your region, producing shock absorber springs for some defence plants, for tanks, dragging out a miserable existence. And now orders have fallen on it – a lot of springs are needed,” said a person at an industrial company who asked not to be named due to the sensitivity of the issue. Another person working in a civilian enterprise said many people were finding work assembling drones in the Tatarstan region’s Alabuga special economic zone. “The salary there is many times higher,” the person said. “One friend who worked there said they can’t even spend the money because they are working constantly.”   Defence orders cannot be left unfulfilled and demand for staff will only slow when orders do, said Andrei Gartung, head of a forging and pressing plant in Chelyabinsk.No reduction is expected soon. Former president Dmitry Medvedev, now a senior security official, promised employees “a lot of work” during a visit to tank manufacturer UralVagonZavod last week. Natalia Zubarevich, a professor at Moscow State University, said it was hard for civilian industries to compete. “There are no restrictions in the defence industries – they have received frenzied financing, so they can raise salaries and poach workers,” she said.In Sverdlovsk, those who sign up to fight in Ukraine receive a one-off 2.1-million-rouble ($18,560) signing bonus, almost 25 times higher than Russia’s average monthly wage.   A representative of a local recruitment agency said its clients had lost workers to the front.”They say: I used to have 100 people working, but now there are no men.” BUILDERS, FARMERS, POLICEThe shortage is acute in manufacturing, logistics and IT, recruiters say, but felt most severely in construction, driving prices higher and hitting deadlines and quality, according to Lydia Kataskina, HR Director at Glavstroy. Sergei Pakhomov, director of Urals development firm Golos Group, said the company was having to decide whether or not to take on new projects. “Not because there is no money, but will there be enough people to come to the construction site to work?” he said, predicting the problem would worsen over the next five years.Around 200,000 people, or 3.3% of all agricultural workers, left the sector in 2023, Agriculture Minister Oksana Lut estimated. The InterAgroTech association of agricultural producers said the shortage was hitting everything from sowing to harvesting, affecting crop quality and safety.The shortage is also serious at the interior ministry, which runs the police, Valentina Matvienko, speaker of Russia’s upper house of parliament, said this week. The ministry said the number of unfilled roles had doubled in two years to 173,800, or 18.8% of total staff, by early November. “What kind of work quality, what kind of law and order can we talk about, including in issues of migration, drug distribution and others?” Matvienko asked.MIGRANT SHORTAGECompanies, such as leading retailer X5, are keen to digitise, but as the central bank noted, Western sanctions make it difficult to import relevant equipment from overseas.Economy Minister Maxim Reshetnikov last week called on regions to recruit young people, pensioners and people with disabilities, as well as lift restrictions on overtime work. Restrictions on migrant workers remain, however, even though business lobby RSPP said two thirds of companies were struggling to attract the foreign workers they say they need. Andrey Kostin, CEO of VTB Bank, said this week that without migrants the Russian economy will not breathe. “It’s easy to kick them out, but someone is needed to work.”Economists and recruiters expect Russia’s labour woes to intensify, a factor that may contribute to slowing growth.Russia’s economy ministry expects GDP growth to slow from an estimated 3.9% this year to 2.5% next year.The shortage of doctors may rise to 40-45% from 25.7% now in the next five to seven years, said Mark Denisov, commissioner for human rights in the Krasnoyarsk region.Russian authorities say the economy needs an extra 2.4 million people in manufacturing, transportation, healthcare, social services, scientific research and IT by 2030. “We don’t understand yet where we’re going to get them from,” Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Chernyshenko said in June. “We now all believe that artificial intelligence will save us because what else can?”     ($1 = 113.1455 roubles) More

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    Donald Trump describes ‘wonderful’ conversation with Mexico’s leader

    Standard DigitalStandard & FT Weekend Printwasnow $29 per 3 monthsThe new FT Digital Edition: today’s FT, cover to cover on any device. This subscription does not include access to ft.com or the FT App.What’s included Global news & analysisExpert opinionFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit appFirstFT: the day’s biggest stories20+ curated newslettersFollow topics & set alerts with myFTFT Videos & Podcasts20 monthly gift articles to shareLex: FT’s flagship investment column15+ Premium newsletters by leading expertsFT Digital Edition: our digitised print editionWeekday Print EditionFT WeekendFT Digital EditionGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresExclusive FT analysisFT Digital EditionGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresExclusive FT analysisGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit appFirstFT: the day’s biggest stories20+ curated newslettersFollow topics & set alerts with myFTFT Videos & Podcasts10 monthly gift articles to shareGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit appFirstFT: the day’s biggest stories20+ curated newslettersFollow topics & set alerts with myFTFT Videos & Podcasts20 monthly gift articles to shareLex: FT’s flagship investment column15+ Premium newsletters by leading expertsFT Digital Edition: our digitised print editionEverything in PrintWeekday Print EditionFT WeekendFT Digital EditionGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresExclusive FT analysisPlusEverything in Premium DigitalEverything in Standard DigitalGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresFirstFT newsletterVideos & PodcastsFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit app10 gift articles per monthExclusive FT analysisPremium newslettersFT Digital Edition10 additional gift articles per monthMake and share highlightsFT WorkspaceMarkets data widgetSubscription ManagerWorkflow integrationsOccasional readers go freeVolume discountFT Weekend Print deliveryPlusEverything in Standard DigitalFT Weekend Print deliveryPlusEverything in Premium Digital More

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    Christine Lagarde interview

    This is an edited transcript of a Financial Times interview with European Central Bank president Christine Lagarde. The interview took place at the ECB’s Frankfurt headquarters on the afternoon of November 25.Financial TimesYou said recently that the geopolitical landscape was fragmenting into rival blocs where attitudes towards free trade were being called into question. The US election accelerates this trend. Looking forward, what are your expectations, particularly in terms of tariffs?Christine Lagarde President-elect Donald Trump has clearly announced last week the magnitude of tariffs that he has in mind: 60 per cent for China, 10-20 per cent for the rest of the world. But he has not been very specific about the scope and the basis on which those tariffs would apply. That’s a really interesting area for clarification and better understanding. Tariffs applied on a broad, undiscriminating basis produce certain effects. But very selective, targeted tariffs will produce a different effect. Going forward, the scope of the tariffs will be really interesting to appreciate. It’s one thing if you are raising your tariffs on certain product categories as I think the US administration has done for instance on electric vehicles. It’s another if they’re applied on a broad basis to anything that crosses the border. On these details we have no idea yet. Financial TimesHow should Europe respond? Christine Lagarde As far as the tariffs on European imports are concerned — 10-20 per cent — there is a 100 per cent difference between the two. That is also interesting. I think it’s indicative of the approach allegedly often taken by president-elect Donald Trump, which consists of negotiating. The fact that you put out a range means that you are open to discussion. You’re open to a different distribution of that tariff depending on what the base is going to be. The European Commission has flagged that it is preparing, which is good. We seem to err more on what I would call a cheque book strategy. We could offer to buy certain things from the United States and signal that we are prepared to sit at the table and see how we can work together. I think this is a better scenario than a pure retaliation strategy, which can lead to a tit-for-tat process where no one is really a winner. Financial TimesBecause that would mean a trade war with all sorts of consequences? Christine Lagarde If it was a trade war at large, it would be net negative for all, not just for the targets of US tariffs. When you start considering a trade war, you can soon see an escalation, which in my view is a net negative. This can be in nobody’s interest, neither for the United States nor for Europe, or anyone for that matter. This would induce a global reduction in GDP. What happened last time around when there was a threat of tariffs on Europe — on all categories of steel — the approach taken by the European Commission was to sit down and talk. Not to retaliate, but to negotiate. Financial TimesWhat could Europe offer in return?Christine Lagarde I’m not the trade person, and in trade you really have to go to a very granular level. But in general, Europe could talk about buying more liquid natural gas from the United States. And obviously there is the whole category of defence goods, some of which we are not capable of manufacturing over here in Europe, and which could be bought in a cohesive EU approach by member States.Financial TimesWhat would a trade war mean for the ECB? How would it affect inflation? Christine Lagarde That’s a great question, which I’m not sure that I have a complete answer to as yet because of the reasons that I have just mentioned. It would produce a variety of consequences, and the actual net impact on inflation is uncertain at this point. If you combine the decline of GDP and the potential depreciation or appreciation of the dollar, it’s extremely difficult to assess. And you also have to establish what is short term and what is not so short term before you can get to any real ultimate and conclusive answer. If anything, maybe it’s a little net inflationary in the short term. But you could argue both ways; it depends what the tariffs are, what they are applied on and over what period of time. Financial Times Is Europe potentially more affected by the United States-China trade war than direct tariffs against its imports to the United States? Christine Lagarde That’s an interesting question. Think about the discrepancy of level in the tariffs on goods from China and other countries. I’m not suggesting that Europe is at a competitive advantage, but there is certainly a stronger weight put on Chinese exports to the United States by Trump. What we need to be mindful of and we need to monitor carefully is the “rerouting scenario”. Some of these Chinese-made products, which will obviously be less competitive on US markets, will try to find its way somewhere else — and that certainly could be the third largest economic zone in the world: Europe. It will also concern not just Europe, but all potential purchasers outside the United States. Financial TimesShould Europe then protect its markets with protective tariffs against Chinese goods? Christine Lagarde Free trade with China is more attractive if it’s reciprocal and beneficial for both. Otherwise, the risk is that tariffs will be raised by Europe, as has already happened in the case of electric vehicles. It could happen in an interim phase. But I see this as a risk because escalating tariffs is neither an ultimate nor an optimal solution.Financial TimesThere is a cost to fragmentation and uncertainty, isn’t there?Christine Lagarde Of course. The level of uncertainty pre-existed the US election and has been factored into our own projections already. Maybe not all of it, but a large portion of that uncertainty was factored into the September projections. It will be factored into the December projections. That uncertainty leads to reduced confidence. If you look at the various consumer morale surveys and business confidence surveys, it’s clearly reflected in consumption and investment decisions, which are withheld as a result. Financial TimesSo far, both in Europe and the United States, while attempting to decouple, everyone seems to have ended up de-risking instead. Do you think that’s where we are heading? Christine Lagarde Decoupling is probably the incoming US government’s intention. The question is: will it be an orderly or a disorderly decoupling? Clearly, the European Commission’s intention was de-risking, and the [US] Treasury under its current leadership has been focused on de-risking. But the blunt announcement of 60 per cent tariffs on anything coming from China does not sound very much like de-risking. Financial TimesIn January you called Trump a threat for Europe. How do you feel about that remark today? Christine Lagarde It was prescient. Just look at the debates that we are having in many countries in Europe.Financial TimesDo you still think he’s a threat for Europe?Christine Lagarde Actually, my thinking has changed a bit. It is up to us now — the Europeans — to transform that threat attitude of ours into a challenge that we have to respond to. I have been focusing on the areas that are the most relevant ones for us here in my capacity. I have been advocating strongly and will continue to advocate strongly that we get on with implementing and executing on the good intentions of the capital markets union. And I think that money matters, people matter, energy matters. As far as money is concerned, we have to move quickly with the capital markets union. And I see those promised US policies as an accelerator of a reset that we need in Europe. Financial Times You have been talking about the capital markets union for a very long time, but it’s not happening. What will it actually take for the capital markets union to become a reality? Christine Lagarde I have not seen such a level of understanding and excitement as we have now: look at the Draghi report, the Letta report, the Noyer report. Some leaders are now saying: if we cannot all agree in the EU, then it should be a qualified majority, and if we cannot have a qualified majority, we should go for enhanced co-operation. EU rules allow for that. I know it’s controversial, but we should start with really transforming the European Securities and Markets Authority and making sure that it operates like the Securities and Exchange Commission in the US. Instead of having 27 capital market supervisory authorities, we should have one single supervisor. How we integrate the 27 existing ones in the member states is what needs to be defined. There can be structures where they are part and parcel of a single supervisory mechanism, but they refer not to the local finance ministry but to the central supervisory authority. Financial TimesGetting the capital markets union done is a big idea in theory.Christine Lagarde It’s a massive endeavour, I agree with you. But if we don’t start with the money, it will not trigger the rest, which has to come as well, like securitisation. It’s important for the banks to have space on their balance sheet, to continue to finance innovation using different instruments. But I would start with something that is the catalyst, which is common supervision. And, frankly, we can learn from the Single Supervisory Mechanism. Ten years ago, important people said, “Never! No way will we ever see bank supervision conducted on systemic international institutions centrally.” And well, guess what? Ten years later, the supervision is conducted through the Single Supervisory Mechanism and involves the national authorities. It is laborious, but it’s working. Financial TimesBut given the state of European economies today, the threat of uncertainty that will emanate from the United States, your proposal can only be a starting point, right? This is one of many things that needs to happen in Europe. Did you agree with the Draghi report? Do you think it was a fair assessment? Christine Lagarde Yes, generally I mean. We could nitpick some details and a couple of controversial sections. But generally, I agree with the diagnosis that he has. Financial TimesWhat about common debt?Christine Lagarde Well, that’s the only issue that Mario Draghi himself has said: don’t even consider that as the most relevant proposal, look at everything else. And once we’ve agreed on everything else, then we’ll come to how we finance it. And you know what’s funny, the media has focused on common debt. But nobody has picked up on the fact that he’s recommending that 80 per cent of the total investment be privately funded and 20 per cent be publicly funded, and that we need a blend of the two to actually make things happen. Financial TimesWould you call the current situation a European crisis? Christine Lagarde No, I don’t think it’s a crisis. I think it’s an awakening. It’s a big awakening.Financial Times But the gap with the United States has widened over time. Christine LagardeYes, it has widened over the last 30 years. So you could argue that we’ve been in crisis for 30 years, which I don’t think has been the case. We have missed the transformative impact of the first IT revolution. In the 1990s, the United States rode with it and in that particular field, we have lost competitiveness. Financial TimesWe’re now in a second phase of digital disruption, but with AI. And again, the United States and China are way, way ahead of Europe. Christine LagardeI wouldn‘t give up on Europe on that one. Companies in the US and at least one, if not two, in China have invested massively in artificial intelligence. Europe is lagging behind. But I wouldn‘t say that Europe cannot catch up. There are many companies in Europe. Financial TimesIf they stay independent . . . Christine LagardeThat‘s the challenge for the European companies. Can we actually keep financing them, helping them and giving them the freedom and space to innovate and to continue to be champions in their respective fields? Just look at the trading rooms and the financial environment in London back in the 2000s — they were staffed with French people. Where did they come from? From the best schools in France that produced [people] who could invent algorithms and financial instruments, sometimes to their own peril. This shows that the brainpower — the capacity to focus on what is needed to produce those large language models and to run them — exists in our countries. We have people in the United Kingdom and France and other places. We just need to make sure that they stay here longer, that they get their financing from here and then expand here. That’s a challenge, granted. Financial TimesFinance is another sector that has been left behind. Back in 2008, a lot of European banks were on a par with US banks. Now, the average European bank is typically one-tenth the size of a JPMorgan or a Goldman Sachs. When you look at one of the rare attempts to create a European bank through the merger of UniCredit and Commerzbank — and you see pushback that’s come from politicians — does that not show that Europe is never going to make up the ground?Christine LagardeI prefer not to comment on a particular case which is ongoing. I have said publicly that cross-border mergers in general would be beneficial if they produce added value.Financial TimesThere’s a lot of weakness and fragmentation in European politics. You’ve argued that the EU needs to act more like the Eurozone — as one large economy rather than a collection of economies. But that is more difficult to do today, partly because of politics, isn’t it? Christine LagardeThings happen in this part of the world when member states come together. And for them to come together, it’s helpful when the two largest players [Germany and France] form common views on key issues. We don’t have a lot of that at the moment, granted. And there is political uncertainty because of upcoming elections in Germany and the current situation of the French government. But I would also observe that whenever we had to reckon with adversity — whether it was Covid, whether it was the financial crisis back in 2008 — Europe came together. In French we would say “nécessité fait loi” — necessity is the mother of invention. Financial TimesCan we maybe go back to the start of the conversation: trade and fragmentation of the global economy? We’ve talked about short-term potential economic consequences. Let’s look at the longer-term picture. We know that world trade has been one of the key engines of economic growth globally over recent decades. In this potential new world of tariffs and fragmentation, we might lose out. Europe is already lagging behind in terms of growth. How gloomy do you think the medium to long term outlook for Europe is? Christine LagardeIn the long term, tariffs will be negative for global growth. That’s always been the case. If you raise tariffs on a global basis, it reduces global GDP across the board. I find it difficult to reconcile myself with the proposal to “make America great again”. How do you make America great again if global demand is falling? Particularly if that happens at a time when there is not that much slack in the US economy, which limits the space to respond to disappearing imported supply. That’s why we really need to understand the scope, the target and the pace [of tariffs] to measure the impact and to really appreciate what it will be. I’d also like to address the idea that Europe, as a more open economy than the United States and China, is more vulnerable as a result. What is also the case is that Europe is the world’s third-largest economy and it trades quite a lot with itself. It doesn’t suffer a particular exchange rate risk in that respect. Financial TimesYou also made a speech the other day about Europe’s social contract. Europe appears to have agreed on a trade-off to have better social services and less animal spirits and innovation. There is a lot of standard-setting and regulation. Does this trade-off have to be re-examined as part of Europe’s awakening?Christine LagardeI think the equilibrium that we have had for a long time needs to be re-examined. Does that mean that we should give up on that trade-off that you referred to, which is essentially to do with the distribution of wealth, with inequality versus equality? I’m not saying that I advocate for pure equality at all, but I do think that trade-off is integral to the European fabric. And it has nothing to do with the other element, which we can certainly improve, in fact we should definitely do so. If I’m to believe the CEOs and businesspeople that we see and listen to on a regular basis, then bureaucracy, overregulation and paperwork, in digital form or otherwise, is really a burden on them. That has nothing to do with the trade-off between inequality and equality. There is a degree of regulation where businesses are benefiting — certainly in businesses that benefit from implicit state guarantees like the banking sector — and which is legitimate. But going way beyond that — as European institutions have done regularly — needs to be addressed. That’s what I mean by accelerating the resetting of Europe. Can Europe be not just a machine that produces regulation, but a landscape where innovation is encouraged by a reset of its key actors? Financial TimesIn the climate space companies complain a lot about regulation. It’s great that Europe is a standard-setter but, at the same time, the number of regulations is a big burden on business.Christine LagardeI agree with that. And I believe that the various teams working on these issues have to come together and produce a standardised set of disclosure and transition plans. Currently you have at least four different bases on which disclosure plans have to be submitted by companies, which then pass them on to banks. There are lots of other requirements in that field and they need to be harmonised. It cannot be that companies — particularly small and medium-sized enterprises — have to produce a plethora of different disclosures on their environmental footprint. When I say that, I have colleagues who say: “Well, but SMEs are exempt.” No, they’re not, because the big corporations have to check with all the SMEs that are their subcontractors where these business partners produce, whether there is deforestation involved, whether they do this and that, in order to combine everything and then report back. We have to all agree with the standards and the direction we are heading, but we have to completely harmonise this massive burden of paperwork that exists.  Financial TimesDo you worry that the divergence with the US on issues like the Basel III implementation is going to create a lot more difficulty for the business community? Should Europe respond to that? Christine LagardeI think the jury’s out on Basel III. You might be right, and that would not be a good outcome because there has been so much effort and so many years put into trying to harmonise the framework in which banks operate. So it would be a pity, not so much because of the sunk work done so far, but because we would lose that harmonisation of principles and the level playing field that everybody aspired to. Financial TimesHow do you feel about the view that Europe has become a museum?Christine LagardeIt’s a pretty attractive museum if you ask me. On a serious note, I think it’s a very self-deprecating view. We tend to see ourselves as this wonderful museum, this wonderful home for wealthy retirees. But when you go around Europe, when you try to find out what’s going on, there is also a huge amount of innovation. For instance, I was talking to Dutch members of the European parliament recently. Did you know that the Netherlands is the second-largest farming product exporter in the world? Look at the size of the country! Everybody always marvels about other small countries that innovate massively in agriculture. The Netherlands stands head and shoulders above that. Financial TimesBut Dutch tomatoes taste awful. Christine LagardeBut you eat them. Financial TimesWhat do you think about the push for deregulation from the incoming US administration and the stock market response, which so far has been very positive? Some people say this might be a sugar rush and could eventually result in a crisis that might be even worse than the global financial crisis. Do you agree? Christine LagardeWe have been saying for the last couple of years now that there could be a market price adjustment. There has been a little bit of it and there will be more. But to assume that we will have a financial crisis as a result of the deregulation attempt — I don’t see that. We stand ready anyway. More

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    Buy American to avoid Trump trade war, says Lagarde

    Standard DigitalStandard & FT Weekend Printwasnow $29 per 3 monthsThe new FT Digital Edition: today’s FT, cover to cover on any device. This subscription does not include access to ft.com or the FT App.What’s included Global news & analysisExpert opinionFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit appFirstFT: the day’s biggest stories20+ curated newslettersFollow topics & set alerts with myFTFT Videos & Podcasts20 monthly gift articles to shareLex: FT’s flagship investment column15+ Premium newsletters by leading expertsFT Digital Edition: our digitised print editionWeekday Print EditionFT WeekendFT Digital EditionGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresExclusive FT analysisFT Digital EditionGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresExclusive FT analysisGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit appFirstFT: the day’s biggest stories20+ curated newslettersFollow topics & set alerts with myFTFT Videos & Podcasts10 monthly gift articles to shareGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit appFirstFT: the day’s biggest stories20+ curated newslettersFollow topics & set alerts with myFTFT Videos & Podcasts20 monthly gift articles to shareLex: FT’s flagship investment column15+ Premium newsletters by leading expertsFT Digital Edition: our digitised print editionEverything in PrintWeekday Print EditionFT WeekendFT Digital EditionGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresExclusive FT analysisPlusEverything in Premium DigitalEverything in Standard DigitalGlobal news & analysisExpert opinionSpecial featuresFirstFT newsletterVideos & PodcastsFT App on Android & iOSFT Edit app10 gift articles per monthExclusive FT analysisPremium newslettersFT Digital Edition10 additional gift articles per monthMake and share highlightsFT WorkspaceMarkets data widgetSubscription ManagerWorkflow integrationsOccasional readers go freeVolume discountFT Weekend Print deliveryPlusEverything in Standard DigitalFT Weekend Print deliveryPlusEverything in Premium Digital More

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    The contradictions of Trumponomics over tariffs lie exposed

    Unlock the White House Watch newsletter for freeYour guide to what the 2024 US election means for Washington and the worldIf you enjoy watching narratives disintegrate and re-form like crystals in a supersaturated solution, you’ll have loved the last few days in Washington.On Saturday, Donald Trump nominated hedge fund titan Scott Bessent as Treasury secretary, and the financial markets sighed in relief that one of their own had been selected rather than, say, tariff warrior Robert Lighthizer, the trade representative in Trump’s first term. This sanguinity was rather upset by Trump’s Monday night surprise of threatening 25 per cent tariffs on Mexico and Canada (and a surprisingly modest extra 10 per cent on China) to force a clampdown on immigration and fentanyl smuggling by inauguration day.Some market-watchers had already combed through the Bessent back catalogue and decided that the important thing is that he’s an economic historian. The idea is now out there that he’s all about surgically reordering the world, geopolitically as well as economically, through whatever economic means possible, including but not limited to tariffs.In theory you could fit the Canada-Mexico-China gambit into Bessent’s worldview. In a piece he wrote two weeks ago for Fox News, Bessent prudently mentioned using economic tools to clamp down on fentanyl trade. But he’s supposed to be a fan of carefully calibrated and gradual tariffs precisely targeted on countries according to their alignment with the US. In an interview in October he talked about grading foreign governments as red, yellow or green according to their level of congeniality to Washington and adjusting policy accordingly.A major disruption to trade with an ally like Canada suddenly announced over social media is not exactly in that style. For one thing, the deadline is absurd: the three countries are hardly likely to be able to clamp down on immigration and the fentanyl trade in less than two months. The announcement is much more likely to have been inspired by the hawkish security and anti-immigration elements of the nascent Trump administration, against which characters like Bessent will struggle to push back.To continue this exciting string of events, on Tuesday Trump nominated as US trade representative Jamieson Greer, a protégé of former Trump USTR Lighthizer. His former boss has more focused ideas about how to use tariffs as leverage to compel trading partners to liberalise and to buy US exports. And for head of the National Economic Council, Trump chose Kevin Hassett, a much more orthodox free-market economist who happily served in George W Bush’s pro-trade administration. Hassett is a supporter of Trump’s proposed Reciprocal Trade Act, which would aim to incentivise trading partners to reduce tariffs to US levels. Apart from completely trashing the “most-favoured nation” principle of treating trading partners equally, which underpins the World Trade Organization, this isn’t the worst plan around. At least it pushes countries in the right direction. But apart from requiring gross hypocrisy to get through Congress by exempting sensitive sectors, it is directly contradictory to others’ ideas of using tariffs as all-purpose leverage.As I’ve said before, the value of palace politics in analysing the Trump administration will be strictly limited. The economic and trade team will be a gaggle of vying courtiers under an erratic president motivated by instinct and prejudice. This was, after all, exactly what we got during Trump’s first term. This time, his compulsion to listen to voices outside that circle urging him to deport foreign-born workers or pursue security goals even if they damage the US economy will be even stronger.It’s more productive to look at what powers the administration has and what it can get done if it tries. I’ll come back to this in future columns, but its coercive economic tools aren’t all-powerful and vary considerably in efficacy. US influence is strongest in global finance and particularly the dollar payments system, which can be used to isolate hostile countries like Russia or Iran. Still, such sanctions have not been fatal to Russia’s war effort, nor forced regime change in Iran or prevented it from remaining a security threat in the region.The US’s power to use goods trade for leverage is somewhat less of a weapon. Despite being the biggest economy by value in the world, it is relatively little exposed to trade. Even though US nominal GDP is around a quarter higher than Europe’s (the EU plus the UK), its share of global goods imports is smaller — 15.9 per cent as opposed to 17.7 per cent in 2023. Moreover, unless the US applies tariffs across the board, which contradicts its goal of using them selectively to reward and punish, we are likely to see a repeat of the trade diversion in the first term, where exports from hostile countries like China were in effect routed through friendlier economies like Vietnam.Under the Biden administration, the US also used restrictions on technology to try to restrain China’s dominance in industries like semiconductors. Security and technology-related powers in general are potentially very effective, but it will be hard to calibrate such actions to achieve other goals.The main conclusion from this week is that, as in Hollywood, nobody knows anything. The one pretty safe bet is that Trump will use tariffs over the next four years. But it is very unclear how they might be employed, or for what end, or what other economic and financial tools might also be deployed, or whom he will be listening to at any given time. This week is a warning to anyone who thinks they have the Trump administration all figured out. They do not.alan.beattie@ft.com More