Evelyn Reynolds

It requested information from a handful of firms that make chip manufacturing possible about their commercial ties to China.A number of technology companies that make semiconductor manufacturing possible are coming under scrutiny from Capitol Hill, as the United States weighs further export restrictions to try to hold back China’s technological advancement.The House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party, which has targeted numerous U.S. companies for their ties to China, sent letters on Thursday to a handful of firms making semiconductor manufacturing equipment, expressing concern about technology sales to China and requesting detailed information about the companies’ sales volumes and top customers.The committee said the information would help it better understand how much chip-making technology was flowing to China, and the role that was helping to build out China’s chip manufacturing base.The letters were sent to three U.S.-based companies that make semiconductor manufacturing equipment — Applied Materials, Lam Research and KLA — as well as the Japanese firm Tokyo Electron and the Dutch equipment maker ASML.These five firms dominate the global market for semiconductor manufacturing equipment, some of the world’s most sophisticated technology, which allows chip makers to fabricate semiconductors with features just a few atoms wide.The letters were signed by Representatives John Moolenaar, the Michigan Republican who heads the committee, and Raja Krishnamoorthi of Illinois, the Democratic ranking member.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

No tax on tips? Lower corporate taxes? No tax on Social Security benefits?The slew of tax cuts President-elect Donald J. Trump proposed in loosely defined slogans over the course of his victorious campaign will now face a fiscal reckoning in Washington. While Republicans are poised to control both chambers of Congress, opening a path for Mr. Trump’s plans, the party is now grappling with how far they can take another round of tax cuts.Mr. Trump’s ambitions for a second term will ultimately have to compete with the signature accomplishment from his first: the giant tax package that Republicans passed and Mr. Trump signed into law in 2017. Large swaths of that tax cut expire at the end of next year, setting up an expensive debate that could overshadow Mr. Trump’s other goals.“Nobody wants to acknowledge at all the sheer enormity of the challenge,” said Liam Donovan, a Republican strategist. “There’s a reckoning coming.”Unlike in 2016, when Mr. Trump’s victory surprised many in Washington, Republicans have spent months preparing for their return to power. They have been discussing using a fast-track budget process that skirts the supermajority requirement for legislation in the Senate, a tactic that would allow for a party-line passage of more tax cuts if Republicans ultimately keep control of the House.But lawmakers and advisers to Mr. Trump are undecided about how much money they can commit to lowering the nation’s taxes again. The cost of just preserving the status quo is steep. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office has estimated that continuing all of the expiring provisions would cost roughly $4 trillion over a decade, and Mr. Trump’s campaign proposals could add trillions more to the debt.In interviews before the election, some Republicans said the party would have to show some fiscal discipline.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

President-elect Donald Trump likely will return to cornerstones of his previous economic platform such as tariffs, lower taxes and sanctions, former Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said.
Mnuchin said he likely would not take an official role in the Trump administration but would “be happy to serve from the outside.”

President-elect Donald Trump likely will return to cornerstones of his previous economic platform such as tariffs, lower taxes and sanctions when he assumes office in January, his former Treasury secretary said Thursday.
Steven Mnuchin, who held the post throughout Trump’s first term from 2017-21, told CNBC that he sees those items as critical to the Republican’s agenda.

Tax cuts are “a signature part of his program,” Mnuchin said in a “Squawk Box” interview. “I think that should be easy to pass in Congress, particularly if the Republicans control the House as well, which it looks like it will be.”
Also on the agenda would be tariffs, which Trump implemented on multiple items during his first term and promised to do again.
“I think that tariffs do need to be used to get counterparties back to the table, especially China, which is not living up to all of the agreements they made,” Mnuchin said.
Finally, he indicated that nations such as Iran and Russia can expect to see sanctions again. The Trump administration levied measures against petroleum producers in Iran in 2019 because they were owned by the Revolutionary Guard.
“The sanctions on Iran and Russia were very impactful. In the case of Iran, they’re now selling millions of barrels of oil, which needs to be stopped,” Mnuchin said.

Outside of those issues, Mnuchin, who said he likely would not take an official role in the Trump administration but would “be happy to serve from the outside,” expects Trump to take on other issues such as steep deficit spending.
“I think he’s in a position now, particularly with this overwhelming result, to take on difficult issues, and I think that’s got to be part of government spending,” he said.
Mnuchin is the founder of Liberty Strategic Capital.

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The president-elect says that tariff is “the most beautiful word in the dictionary.” You may be hearing it a lot.President-elect Donald J. Trump has professed a belief in the power of tariffs for decades. Now, as he prepares to take office, they are a central part of his economic plan.Mr. Trump argues that steep tariffs on foreign goods will help benefit U.S. manufacturing and create jobs. His proposals would raise tariffs to a level not seen in generations. Many economists have warned of potentially harmful consequences from such a move, including higher costs for American households and businesses, and globally destabilizing trade wars.Here are five crucial things to know about Mr. Trump’s sweeping trade plans.Mr. Trump has floated several hefty tariff plans.While campaigning for the White House, Mr. Trump offered up a running list of tariffs. He talked about a “universal” tariff of 10 to 20 percent on most foreign products. He has proposed tariffs of 60 percent or more on Chinese goods. And he has suggested removing permanent normal trading relations with China, which would result in an immediate increase in tariffs on Chinese imports.Mr. Trump has also promoted the idea of a “reciprocal” tariff, in which the United States would match the tariff rates that other countries put on American goods. He has suggested using tariff revenue to replace income taxes. And he has threatened tariffs of 100, 200 or even 1,000 percent on Mexico, saying the country should do more to stop flows of migrants and shipments of Chinese cars.The Biden administration has also raised tariffs on goods from China, but Mr. Trump’s plans are much larger — affecting trillions of dollars of products, rather than tens of billions.Mr. Trump says foreign companies pay the tariffs. That’s usually wrong.A tariff is a tax that is put on a product when it crosses a border. For instance, a company that brings its product into the United States — the importer — actually pays the tariff to the U.S. government.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

Donald Trump’s election victory marks a historic return to the White House – an extraordinary political comeback that is likely to have seismic ramifications for the global economy.
The former president’s litany of campaign pledges include steep tariffs, tax cuts, deregulation and a push to withdraw from key global agreements.
Oxford Economics’s Ben May said the direct impact of Trump 2.0 on global growth could be limited in the near term, “but masks major implications for trade and the composition of growth, and for financial markets.”

A worker is making textile export orders at a production workshop of a textile enterprise in Binzhou, China, on July 8, 2024.
Nurphoto | Nurphoto | Getty Images

Donald Trump’s election victory over Vice President Kamala Harris marks a historic return to the White House — an extraordinary political comeback that is likely to have seismic ramifications for the global economy.
Speaking to his supporters in Florida early Wednesday, Trump said an “unprecedented and powerful mandate” would usher in “the golden age of America.”

The former president’s litany of campaign pledges include steep tariffs, tax cuts, deregulation and a push to withdraw from key global agreements.
Analysts say it is hard to pin down the extent to which Trump will seek to implement these measures in his second four-year term, but the consequences of any will have clear repercussions across the globe.
Lizzy Galbraith, political economist at asset manager Abrdn, said it remains to be seen exactly what style of presidency investors can expect when Trump returns to the White House.
“Congress has a really big part to play in this,” Galbraith told CNBC’s “Squawk Box Europe” on Thursday.

“If Trump does have unified control of Congress, as is looking very likely and is what we expect to happen over the next few weeks and days, then he does have greater latitude to implement his tax-cutting agenda, his deregulatory agenda, for example, but we are also likely to see elements of his trade policy sitting alongside that.”

On tariffs, Galbraith said there were currently two schools of thought. Either Trump seeks to use them as a bargaining tool to gain concessions from other parties — or he delivers on his promise and implements them much more broadly.

Trump’s favorite word

Trump has previously described “tariff” as his favorite word, calling it “the most beautiful word in the dictionary.”
In an effort to raise revenues, Trump has suggested he could impose a blanket 20% tariff on all goods imported into the U.S., with a tariff of up to 60% for Chinese products and one as high as 2,000% on vehicles built in Mexico.
For the European Union, meanwhile, Trump has said the 27-nation bloc will pay a “big price” for not buying enough American exports.

Former US President Donald Trump arrives during a “Get Out The Vote” rally in Greensboro, North Carolina, US, on Saturday, March 2, 2024.
Bloomberg | Bloomberg | Getty Images

“Now, I think it is worth pointing out that we do think that in any situation which Trump is using tariffs quite often, his principal focus is going to be on China. And we don’t see Trump’s secondary tariff pledge — that baseline tariff, which would hurt European companies — as being all that feasible,” Galbraith said.
“So, it’s not necessarily our base case that you see something like a baseline tariff applied that would really hurt European goods although there is still a distinct possibility there that specific European products could be affected,” she added.
Analysts have warned that Trump’s plan to impose universal tariffs are highly likely to raise prices for consumers and slow spending.

Europe

Ben May, director of global macro research at Oxford Economics, said the direct impact of Trump 2.0 on economic growth is likely to be limited in the near term, “but masks major implications for trade and the composition of growth, and for financial markets.”
For instance, May said that in a scenario in which the more radical aspects of Trump’s policy agenda are adopted, particularly on tariffs, the impact across the globe will be “very sizable.”
“A key unknown is whether a clean sweep raises the risk that a Trump administration will push through more extreme policy measures, such as larger, less-targeted tariffs,” May said in a research note.
“Uncertainty over Trump’s stance on the conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East also adds to the risk of greater instability in both regions, which could take a toll on regional, and even global, growth,” he added.

The prospect of a second Trump presidency had long been viewed as negative for Europe and the European Union more broadly.
Yet, analysts at Signum Global Advisors said in a research note on Wednesday that “the magnitude of that truth remains underappreciated.”
Indeed, they argued that several factors mean the EU is likely to be “the biggest loser of a second Trump era,” citing trade tensions, an ongoing frustration with key European policy decisions and Trump’s likely desire to double down on America’s advantage at attracting capital relocation.

Asia

Analysts at Macquarie Group said Thursday that, at face value, Trump’s election victory is “bad news for Asia,” particularly China, but the region is “more prepared” than in 2016, when he first moved into the White House.

A cargo ship is sailing towards the docking of a foreign trade container terminal in Qingdao Port, Shandong province, in Qingdao, China, on June 7, 2024.
Costfoto | Nurphoto | Getty Images

“A key tenet of Trump’s campaign was higher tariffs. While well telegraphed, the headwinds that are likely to sweep across Asia, particularly China, should spike volatility and compress multiples as uncertainty prevails,” analyst at Macquarie Group said in a research note.
“A counter-balance to this is a likely acceleration in China stimulus measures,” they added. “The Chinese government has already outlined its ambitions to support economic growth at the 5% level and address property market woes to support domestic consumer confidence.”
Mitchell Reiss, an American diplomat and distinguished fellow at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) think tank, said there are likely to be some differences to the Trump playbook this time round.

“I think that President-elect Trump has said that he would like to increase tariffs on China again until the playing field is level, in his view,” Reiss told CNBC’s “Squawk Box Europe” on Thursday.
“What was interesting the last time when Trump won was the number of China hawks that staffed his administration. This was a very tough administration in terms of personnel and in terms of their view of how they saw China as an adversary, expansionist in the South China Sea and contrary to American values and friends and allies around the world,” he continued.
“So, I don’t think that that’s going to change. I think that might be mitigated a bit by the economic interaction that we have with China, but I think that it is going to be a complicated relationship going forward.” More

Donald J. Trump spent his first presidency on a collision course with America’s central bank. Will it intensify?Donald J. Trump spent his first presidency attacking the Federal Reserve, pushing policymakers to cut interest rates and calling Fed officials names that ranged from “boneheads” to “enemy.”That rhetoric is likely to make a return to the White House with Mr. Trump. The Republican has been promising that interest rates will come down on his watch — even though rates are set by the politically independent Fed and the president has no direct control over them.The question looming over markets and the Fed itself is whether Mr. Trump will do more than just talk this time as he tries to get his way. The Fed is in the process of cutting rates, but it is unclear whether it will do so fast enough to please Mr. Trump.Congress granted the Fed independence from the White House so that central bankers would have the freedom to make policy decisions that brought near-term pain but long-term benefits. Higher rates are unpopular with consumers and with incumbent politicians, for instance, though they can leave the economy on a more sustainable path over time.But some in Wall Street and in political circles worry that the Fed’s insulation from politics could come under pressure in the years ahead. Here’s what that might look like.Trump Could Shake Up Fed PersonnelMr. Trump first elevated Jerome H. Powell, the Fed chair, to his current role in early 2018. He then quickly soured on Mr. Powell, who resisted his calls to sharply lower interest rates.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

Federal Reserve officials are widely expected to cut rates by a quarter point, as uncertainty about a second Trump presidency looms large.Federal Reserve officials are widely expected to cut interest rates on Thursday. The bigger focus will center on what comes next for America’s central bank.Fed officials are cutting interest rates in response to months of slowing inflation. Policymakers lowered borrowing costs for the first time in four years in September, reducing them by half a percentage point. Officials projected two more smaller rate cuts in 2024 and a string of further reductions in 2025.But a combination of stronger recent economic data and President-elect Donald J. Trump’s return to the White House could muddle that outlook.The job market, which seemed wobbly when the Fed last met in September, has since stabilized. Consumer spending has remained strong, and overall growth looks solid. Those developments suggest that rates might not need to come down as much or as quickly in order to keep the economy steady.And if Mr. Trump follows through on his campaign promises, they could make it more difficult for the Fed to continue lowering interest rates as quickly. He has pledged a combination of tax cuts, tariffs and deportations that economists and Wall Street investors think could fuel inflation.“The main takeaway is that his election injects a higher degree of uncertainty into the outlook both for growth and for inflation,” said Blerina Uruci, chief U.S. economist at T. Rowe Price.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

America’s economic growth is the envy of its global counterparts. But voters wanted more from the Biden administration — specifically, lower prices.Donald Trump has won the 2024 presidential election. Follow live updates and results.Every major U.S. ally is uncomfortably familiar with one of President Biden’s favorite charts. It is a graph of economic recoveries in the wealthy world since the end of the pandemic recession. It shows growth flatlining for the United Kingdom, Germany and Japan over the past two years — while in the United States, growth keeps rocketing up.That chart helps explain why voters have punished ruling parties in election after post-Covid election around the world. Sluggish growth, coupled with a surge in consumer prices, proved toxic for the Conservative Party in Britain. It helped hobble President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist coalition in France and contributed to Japan’s longtime leaders, the Liberal Democrats, losing their majority this fall.Germany’s governing coalition has been so weakened by recession and so flustered by disagreements over how to revive growth that it teetered this week on the brink of collapse.Advisers to Mr. Biden and to Vice President Kamala Harris, his successor candidate in the presidential election, had hoped that America’s outlier economy would rescue them from a similar fate.It did not.Ms. Harris lost to former President Donald J. Trump. Democrats will spend at least months parsing data for conclusions on what drove the defeat. Certainly, economic factors were only one contributor.But as Europe’s stumbling economies woke on Wednesday to the news of Ms. Harris’s defeat, one thing was immediately clear: America’s growth engine may be the envy of the world, but it is not the envy of the American public.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More