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    Labor Board Proposes to Increase Legal Exposure for Franchised Chains

    Federal labor regulators on Tuesday proposed a rule that would make more companies legally liable for labor law violations committed by their contractors or franchisees.Under the proposal, which governs when a company is considered a so-called joint employer, the National Labor Relations Board could hold a company like McDonald’s liable if one of its franchisees fired workers who tried to unionize, even if the parent company exercised only indirect control over the workers. Indirect control can include requiring the franchisee to use software that locks in certain scheduling practices and setting limits on what the workers can be paid.Under the current approach, adopted in 2020, when the board had a majority of Republican appointees, the parent company could be held liable for such labor law violations only if it exerted direct control over the franchisee’s employees — such as directly determining their schedules and pay.The joint-employer rule also determines whether the parent company must bargain with employees of a contractor or franchisee if those employees unionize.Employees and unions generally prefer to bargain with the parent company and to hold it accountable for labor law violations because the parent typically has more power than the contractor or franchisee to change workplace policies and make concessions.“In an economy where employment relationships are increasingly complex, the board must ensure that its legal rules for deciding which employers should engage in collective bargaining serve the goals of the National Labor Relations Act,” Lauren McFerran, the chairwoman of the board, which has a Democratic majority, said in a statement.The legal threshold for triggering a joint-employer relationship under labor law has changed frequently in recent years, depending on the political composition of the labor board. In 2015, a board led by Democrats changed the standard from “direct and immediate” control to indirect control.As a result of that shift, parent companies could also be considered joint employers of workers hired by a contractor or franchisee if the parent had the right to control certain working conditions — like firing or disciplining workers — even if it didn’t act on that right.Under President Donald J. Trump, the board moved to undo that change. The Republican-led board not only restored the standard of direct and immediate control, it also required that the control exercised by the parent be “substantial,” making it even more difficult to deem a parent company a joint employer.The franchise business model has faced rising pressure. On Monday, Gov. Gavin Newsom of California said he had signed a bill creating a council to regulate labor practices in the fast food industry. The council has the power to raise the minimum wage for the industry in California to $22 an hour next year, compared with a statewide minimum of $15.50, and to issue health and safety standards to protect workers.The fast food industry strongly opposed the measure, arguing that it would raise costs for employers and prices for consumers. More

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    Biden Administration Releases Plan for $50 Billion Investment in Chips

    The Commerce Department issued guidelines for companies angling to receive federal funding aimed at bolstering the domestic semiconductor industry.WASHINGTON — The Department of Commerce on Tuesday unveiled its plan for dispensing $50 billion aimed at building up the domestic semiconductor industry and countering China, in what is expected to be the biggest U.S. government effort in decades to shape a strategic industry.About $28 billion of the so-called CHIPS for America Fund is expected to go toward grants and loans to help build facilities for making, assembling and packaging some of the world’s more advanced chips.Another $10 billion will be devoted to expanding manufacturing for older generations of technology used in cars and communications technology, as well as specialty technologies and other industry suppliers, while $11 billion will go toward research and development initiatives related to the industry.The department is aiming to begin soliciting applications for the funding from companies no later than February, and it could begin disbursing money by next spring, Gina Raimondo, the secretary of commerce, said in an interview.The fund, which was approved by Congress in July, was created to encourage U.S. production of strategically important semiconductors and spur research and development into the next generation of chip technologies. The Biden administration says the investments will lessen dependence on a foreign supply chain that has become an urgent threat to the country’s national security.“This is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity, a once-in-a-generation opportunity, to secure our national security and revitalize American manufacturing and revitalize American innovation and research and development,” Ms. Raimondo said. “So, although we’re working with urgency, we have to get it right, and that’s why we are laying out the strategy now.”Trade experts have called the fund the most significant investment in industrial policy that the United States has made in at least 50 years.It will come at a pivotal moment for the semiconductor industry.Tensions between the United States and China are rising over Taiwan, the self-governing island that is the source of more than two-thirds of the most advanced semiconductors. Shortages of semiconductors have also helped to fuel inflation globally, by increasing delivery times and prices for electronics, appliances and cars.Semiconductors are crucial components in mobile phones, pacemakers and coffee makers, and they are also the key to advanced technologies like quantum computing, artificial intelligence and unmanned drones.With midterm elections fast approaching, the Biden administration is under pressure to demonstrate that it can use this funding wisely and lure manufacturing investments back to the United States. The Commerce Department is responsible for choosing which companies receive the money and monitoring their investments.In its strategy paper, the Commerce Department said that the United States remained the global leader in chip design, but that it had lost its leading edge in producing the world’s most advanced semiconductors. In the last few years, China has accounted for a substantial portion of newly built manufacturing, the paper said.The high cost of building the kind of complex facilities that manufacture semiconductors, called fabs, has pushed companies to separate their facilities for designing chips from those that manufacture them. Many leading companies, like Qualcomm, Nvidia and Apple, design chips in the United States, but they contract out their fabrication to foundries based in Asia, particularly in Taiwan. The system creates a risky source of dependence for the chips industry, the White House says.The department said the funding aimed to help offset the higher costs of building and operating facilities in the United States compared with other countries, and to encourage companies to build the larger type of fabs in the United States that are now more common in Asia. Domestic and foreign companies can apply for the funds, as long as they invest in projects in the United States.To receive the money, companies will need to demonstrate the long-term economic viability of their project, as well as “spillover benefits” for the communities they operate in, like investments in infrastructure and work force development, or their ability to attract suppliers and customers, the department said.Projects that involve economically disadvantaged individuals and businesses owned by minorities, veterans or women, or that are based in rural areas, will be prioritized, the department said. So will projects that help make the supply chain more secure by, for example, providing another production location for advanced chips that are manufactured in Taiwan. Companies are encouraged to demonstrate that they can obtain other sources of funding, including private capital and state and local investment.The Commerce Department is setting up two new offices housed under the National Institute of Standards and Technology to set up the programs.One of the department’s biggest challenges will be ensuring that the government funds add to, rather than displace, money that chip making companies were already planning to invest. Companies including GlobalFoundries, Micron, Qualcomm and Intel have announced plans to make major investments in U.S. facilities that may qualify for government funding.The chips bill specifies that companies that accept funding cannot make new, high-tech investments in China or other “countries of concern” for at least a decade, unless they are producing lower-tech “legacy chips” destined to serve only the local market.The Commerce Department said it would review and audit companies that receive the funding, and claw back funds from any company that violates the rules. The guidelines also forbid recipients from engaging in stock buybacks, so that taxpayer money doesn’t end up being used to reward a company’s investors.“We’re going to run a serious, competitive, transparent process,” Ms. Raimondo said. “We are negotiating for every nickel of taxpayer money.”In addition to the new prohibitions on investing in chip manufacturing facilities in China, officials in the Biden administration have agreed that the White House should take executive action to scrutinize outbound investment in other industries as well, Ms. Raimondo said.But she added that the administration was still working through the details of how to put such a policy in place.Earlier versions of the chips bill also proposed setting up a broader system to review investments that U.S. companies make abroad to prevent certain strategic technologies from being shared with U.S. adversaries. That provision, which would have applied to cutting-edge technologies beyond the chips sector, was stripped out of the bill, but officials in the Biden administration have been considering an executive order that would establish a similar review process.The United States has a review system for investments that foreign companies make in the United States, but not vice versa.The Biden administration has also taken steps to restrict the types of advanced semiconductors and equipment that can be exported out of the United States.In statements last week, Nvidia and Advanced Micro Devices, both based in Silicon Valley, said they had been notified by the U.S. government that exports to China and Russia of certain high-end chips they produce for use in supercomputers and artificial intelligence were now restricted. These chips help power the kind of supercomputers that can be used in weapons development and intelligence gathering, including large-scale surveillance. Ms. Raimondo declined to discuss the export controls in detail but said the department was “constantly evaluating” its efforts, including how best to work with allies to deny China the equipment, software and tooling the country uses to enhance its semiconductor industry. More

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    Economists are divided on the risk of a U.S. recession. And the jobs data isn't helping

    Academics and analysts have told CNBC a recession is everything from inevitable to unlikely over the last month.
    The continued debate reflects a split over whether to focus on falling GDP in real terms, or strength in personal spending and the job market.
    “We live in a period of multiple shocks – from Covid-19 over energy prices to political deglobalization – which make predictions extremely difficult,” one economist said.

    Is the U.S. economy showing no signs of a recession or hurtling inescapably towards one? Is it in fact already in one? 
    More than a month after the country recorded two successive quarters of economic contraction, it still depends who you ask. 

    Steve Hanke, professor of applied economics at Johns Hopkins University, believes the U.S. is headed for a “whopper” of a recession in 2023. While Stephen Roach of Yale University agrees it will take a “miracle” for the U.S. to avoid a recession next year — but it won’t be as bad as the downturn of the early 1980s. 
    Yet the Nobel Prize-winning economist Richard Thaler says he doesn’t see “anything that resembles a recession” in the U.S. right now, pointing to recent low unemployment, high job vacancies, and the fact that the economy is growing — just not as fast as prices. 
    And market participants are similarly divided. 
    Liz Ann Sonders, chief investment strategist at Charles Schwab, says a recession is more likely than a soft landing for the U.S. economy right now, although it may be a rotational recession that hits the economy in pockets. 
    While Steen Jakobsen, chief investment officer at Saxo Bank, was clear in a recent interview with CNBC: the U.S. is not heading for a recession in nominal terms, even if it is in real terms.

    Recent surveys reflect the split. A Reuters poll of economists in late August put the chance of a U.S. recession within a year at 45% (with most saying one would be short and shallow), and a Bloomberg survey put the probability of a downturn at 47.5%. 

    Mixed signals 

    So why the discrepancy? It depends what you focus on: gross domestic product (GDP), or the jobs market.
    U.S. GDP declined by 0.9% year-on-year in the second quarter and by 1.6% in the first, meeting the traditional definition of a recession. The slump in growth was driven by a number of factors including falling inventories, investment and government spending. Inflation-adjusted personal income and saving rates also fell.
    However, in the U.S. a recession is officially declared by the National Bureau of Economic Research, which likely won’t make a judgment on the period in question for some time.
    What makes this time different from every other six-month period of negative GDP since 1947 has been continued strength in the jobs market. 
    The closely-watched nonfarm payrolls data for August, released Friday, showed nonfarm payrolls increased by 315,000 — a solid rise, but the lowest monthly gain since April 2021.
    It added to other recent releases which have shown a slowdown in private payroll growth, but a much higher rate of new job openings than expected.

    William Foster, senior credit officer at Moody’s, said jobs-versus-GDP continued to be the big debate among economic commentators, against a backdrop of the U.S Federal Reserve changing quickly from an accommodative monetary policy — where it adds to the money supply to boost the economy — to a restrictive one, involving interest rate hikes in order to tackle inflation, which hit 8.5% in July.
    “We’re coming out of an extraordinary period that’s not been seen before in history,” Foster told CNBC by phone. 
    When making its decision, the National Bureau of Economic Research looks at real income for households, real spending, industrial production and the labor market and unemployment — and those variables aren’t giving clear recession signals, Foster said. 
    “The jobs market is still struggling to hire people, particularly in the services sector,” he said.

    Wider indicators

    Foster also noted that households were still spending relatively strongly, albeit at a slower rate of growth, enabled by the period of accumulation of household savings during the pandemic.
    However, at the recent Ambrosetti Forum in Italy, economist Joseph Stiglitz told CNBC he was concerned about the fall in real wages workers were experiencing despite the tight labor market.
    As well as disagreeing on which indicators to focus on, commentators are also split on what certain sectors are showing.
    Investor Peter Boockvar says the latest data on housing and manufacturing show why the U.S. will not be able to avoid a recession, with the National Association of Home Builders/Wells Fargo Housing Market Index dropping into negative territory in August.
    But according to Saxo Bank’s Jakobsen: “We still have double digit increases in the rental market. That is not going to create a recession.”
    “Simply, people have enough money on the balance sheet to buy an apartment and rent it out and make 20 to 30%. So [a recession] is not going to happen.”

    Volatile times

    There are broader reasons for the current level of debate too, said Alexander Nutzenadel, professor of social and economic history at the Humboldt University of Berlin.
    “We live in a period of multiple shocks – from Covid 19 over energy prices to political deglobalization – which make predictions extremely difficult,” he told CNBC by email. 
    This means the economic performance of a highly developed country such as the U.S. depends heavily on external factors. 

    The current situation of “stagflation” — when high inflation and economic stagnation occur simultaneously — is historically rare, he continued, though not completely unprecedented. 
    “We had a similar moment in the 1970s, but from this experience we know that monetary policy has enormous difficulties to find the right balance between fighting inflation and preventing a recession.”
    Finally, he noted that the economics profession had become “much more diverse” in recent years.
    “There is no ‘mainstream economics’ anymore, everything has become controversial, including theory, data and methods,” Nutzenadel said.
    The very practice of having a recession officially declared by the National Bureau of Economic Research has recently been questioned by some, with Tomas Philipson, professor of public policy studies at the University of Chicago, recently asking: “Why do we let an academic group decide? We should have an objective definition, not the opinion of an academic committee.”
    In any case, Philipson concluded, “What really matters is paychecks aren’t reaching as far. What you call it is less relevant.”
    — CNBC’s Jeff Cox contributed to this report.

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    'Why shouldn't it be as bad as the 1970s?': Historian Niall Ferguson has a warning for investors

    Historian Niall Ferguson warned Friday that the world is sleepwalking into an era of political and economic upheaval akin to the 1970s — only worse.
    Speaking to CNBC at the Ambrosetti Forum in Italy, Ferguson said that the catalyst required to spark a repeat of the 70s — namely inflation and international conflict — had already occurred.
    “The ingredients of the 1970s are already in place,” Ferguson, Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, told CNBC’s Steve Sedgwick.

    Historian Niall Ferguson warned Friday that the world is sleepwalking into an era of political and economic upheaval akin to the 1970s — only worse.
    Speaking to CNBC at the Ambrosetti Forum in Italy, Ferguson said the catalyst events had already occurred to spark a repeat of the 70s, a period characterized by financial shocks, political clashes and civil unrest. Yet this time, the severity of those shocks was likely to be greater and more sustained.

    “The ingredients of the 1970s are already in place,” Ferguson, Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, told CNBC’s Steve Sedgwick.
    “The monetary and fiscal policy mistakes of last year, which set this inflation off, are very alike to the 60s,” he said, likening recent price hikes to the 1970’s doggedly high inflation.
    “And, as in 1973, you get a war,” he continued, referring to the 1973 Arab-Israeli War — also known as the Yom Kippur War — between Israel and a coalition of Arab states led by Egypt and Syria.
    As with Russia’s current war in Ukraine, the 1973 Arab-Israeli War led to international involvement from then-superpowers the Soviet Union and the U.S., sparking a wider energy crisis. Only that time, the conflict lasted just 20 days. Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine has now entered into its sixth month, suggesting that any repercussions for energy markets could be far worse.
    “This war is lasting much longer than the 1973 war, so the energy shock it is causing is actually going to be more sustained,” said Ferguson.

    2020s worse than the 1970s

    Politicians and central bankers have been vying to mitigate the worst effects of the fallout, by raising interest rates to combat inflation and reducing reliance on Russian energy imports.
    But Ferguson, who has authored 16 books, including his most recent “Doom: The Politics of Catastrophe,” said there was no evidence to suggest that current crises could be avoided.
    “Why shouldn’t it be as bad as the 1970s?” he said. “I’m going to go out on a limb: Let’s consider the possibility that the 2020s could actually be worse than the 1970s.”

    Top historian Niall Ferguson has said the world is on the cusp of a period of political and economic upheaval akin to the 1970s, only worse.
    South China Morning Post | Getty Images

    Among the reasons for that, he said, were currently lower productivity growth, higher debt levels and less favorable demographics now versus 50 years ago.
    “At least in the 1970s you had detente between superpowers. I don’t see much detente between Washington and Beijing right now. In fact, I see the opposite,” he said, referring to recent clashes over Taiwan.

    The fallacy of global crises

    Humans like to believe that global shocks happen with some degree of order or predictability. But that, Ferguson said, is a fallacy.
    In fact, rather than being evenly spread throughout history, like a bell curve, disasters tend to happen non-linearly and all at once, he said.
    “The distributions in history really aren’t normal, particularly when it comes to things like wars and financial crises or, for that matter, pandemics,” said Ferguson.
    “You start with a plague — or something we don’t see very often, a really large global pandemic — which kills millions of people and disrupts the economy in all kinds of ways. Then you hit it with a big monetary and fiscal policy shock. And then you add the geopolitical shock.”
    That miscalculation leads humans to be overly optimistic and, ultimately, unprepared to handle major crises, he said.
    “In their heads, the world is kind of a bunch of averages, and there aren’t likely to be really bad outcomes. This leads people … to be somewhat overoptimistic,” he said.
    As an example, Ferguson said he surveyed attendees at Ambrosetti — a forum in Italy attended by political leaders and the business elite — and found low single-digit percentages expect to see a decline in investment in Italy over the coming months.
    “This is a country that’s heading towards a recession,” he said.

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    How 'quiet quitting' became the next phase of the Great Resignation

    “Quiet quitting” is having a moment.
    The trend of employees choosing to not go above and beyond their jobs in ways that include refusing to answer emails during evenings or weekends, or skipping extra assignments that fall outside their core duties, is catching on, especially among Gen Zers.

    Zaid Khan, 24, an engineer from New York, popularized this trend with his viral Tiktok video in July. 
    “You are still performing your duties, but you are no longer subscribing to the hustle culture mentally that work has to be our life,” Khan says in his video. “The reality is, it’s not, and your worth as a person is not defined by your labor.”
    In the U.S., quiet quitting could also be a backlash to so-called hustle culture — the 24/7 startup grind popularized by figures like Gary Vaynerchuk and others.
    “Quiet quitting is an antidote to hustle culture,” said Nadia De Ala, founder of Real You Leadership, who “quietly quit” her job about five years ago. “It is almost direct resistance and disruption of hustle culture. And I think it’s exciting that more people are doing it.”
    Last year, the Great Resignation dominated the economic news cycle. Now, during the second half of 2022, it’s the quiet quitting trend that’s gaining momentum at a time when the rate of U.S. productivity is raising some concern. Data on U.S. worker productivity posted its biggest annual drop in the second quarter. 
    So, why is this trend on the rise? Watch the video above to learn whether quiet quitting is hurting the U.S. economy and how it’s being seen as part of the Great Resignation narrative.

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    Price Cap on Russian Oil Wins Backing of G7 Ministers

    The proposal aims to stabilize unsettled energy markets in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. But it faces considerable obstacles.WASHINGTON — Top officials from the world’s leading advanced economies agreed on Friday to move ahead with a plan to cap the price of Russian oil, accelerating an ambitious effort to limit how much money Russia can earn from each barrel of crude it sells on the global market.Finance ministers from the Group of 7 nations said they were firming up details of a price cap, with the aim of both depressing the price of global oil and reducing critical revenue that President Vladimir V. Putin is relying on to finance Russia’s war effort in Ukraine. The untested plan has been pushed by the Biden administration as way of keeping sanctions pressure on Russia while minimizing the impact on a global economy that has been saddled with soaring energy and food prices this year.Hours after the G7 ministers announced their plan on Friday, Gazprom, the Russian-owned energy giant, said it would postpone restarting the flow of natural gas through a closely watched pipeline that connects Russia to Germany, known as Nord Stream 1. The unexpected delay was attributed to mechanical problems with the pipeline, but it raised concerns that it was in retaliation for the price cap, an idea that Moscow has condemned.Eric Mamer, a spokesman for the European Commission, said that the “fallacious pretenses” for the latest delay were “proof of Russia’s cynicism.”The price cap still has many hurdles to clear before it can take effect, but its goal is to keep Russian oil flowing to global markets that depend on those supplies, while substantially reducing the profit Moscow reaps from its sales. Europe still consumes nearly two million barrels of Russian oil a day, though its imports have fallen since the war began, and the European Union is preparing to wean itself off those supplies by the end of the year.Officials are racing to put the price-cap plan in place by early December to try to limit the economic fallout from the new E.U. sanctions. They would ban nearly all Russian oil imports to the European Union and block the insurance and financing of Russian oil shipments.The Biden administration has become concerned that those moves could send energy prices skyrocketing and potentially tip the global economy into a recession if millions of barrels of Russian oil were suddenly yanked off the global market, drastically reducing the world’s supply of crude. U.S. administration officials have estimated that oil could soar to $200 a barrel or higher unless efforts to impose the price cap are successful.The initiative is a novel attempt to blunt the global economic impact of the invasion. Oil prices rose as fears of confrontation grew a year ago, and spiked when Russian troops entered Ukraine in February. They have receded in recent months, in part because much of Europe has tipped into recession, reducing global oil demand.Whether the price cap can work will hinge on a variety of factors, including securing agreement by all 27 E.U. member states and determining how the actual price would be set. Maritime insurers, which are critical to making the plan work, would also have to figure out how to comply in a way that allows them to continue insuring Russian oil cargo without running afoul of sanctions.The industry, which would be responsible for making sure that oil buyers and sellers were honoring the price cap, has warned that insurers lack the capacity to police the transactions. Financial services in Europe undergird international energy shipments around the world, and fully blocking their ability to deal with Russian oil could disrupt exports globally, even to countries that have not adopted Russian oil embargoes.The G7 finance ministers said in their statement that they intended to use a “record-keeping and attestation model” to track of whether oil transactions were below the price ceiling, and that they would try to minimize the administrative burden on insurers.A tanker at a crude oil terminal near Nakhodka. Maritime insurers would have to figure out how to comply with a cap in a way that allows them to continue covering Russian oil cargo.Tatiana Meel/ReutersRachel Ziemba, an adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security, said the agreement unveiled on Friday raised more questions than answers and suggested a challenging path ahead.“This sounds like something that is very technical and technocratic that is going to be hard to monitor and fully enforce,” Ms. Ziemba said.Understand the Decline in U.S. Gas PricesCard 1 of 5Understand the Decline in U.S. Gas PricesGas prices are falling. More

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    U.S. Job Growth Slowed in August

    The monthly employment report suggested that the Federal Reserve might be able to tame inflation without causing a recession.Monthly change in jobs More

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    The U.S. unemployment rate rose in August, and Black workers' labor force participation declined

    While all demographic groups saw the unemployment rate tick up slightly in August, it rose at a sharper pace for both Hispanic and Black workers.
    Black workers marked the only group that saw labor force participation decline, and their employment-population ratio also fell.
    Black labor force participation fell to 61.8% from 62% in July, while the employment-to-population ratio dipped to 57.9% from 58.3%.

    Commuters arrive at Grand Central station during morning rush hour in New York, Nov. 18, 2021.
    Jeenah Moon | Bloomberg | Getty Images

    The August jobs report showed the U.S. unemployment rate rise across the board. Meanwhile, Black workers marked the only demographic to see their labor force participation fall.
    The unemployment rate rose 0.2 percentage point to 3.7% in August, according to data released Friday by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Nonfarm payrolls came in at 315,000 and fell in line with estimates of 318,000.

    While all demographic groups saw the unemployment rate tick up slightly, it rose at a sharper pace for both Hispanic and Black workers to 4.5% and 6.4%, respectively, from 3.9% and 6% in July.
    However, Black workers marked the only group that saw labor force participation decline, while their employment-population ratio, which measures what percentage of the population holds a job, also fell.
    “There is some volatility in these numbers but seeing a downward trend in employment and participation is worrisome,” said Elise Gould, senior economist with the Economic Policy Institute.

    For August, Black labor force participation fell to 61.8% from 62% in July, while the employment-to-population ratio dipped to 57.9% from 58.3%
    William Spriggs, chief economist at the AFL-CIO, said that looking at Black workers is one way to gauge what’s really happening among employers.

    Black workers across the board face more discrimination than many other groups, which could be one explanation, Spriggs said. A potential slowdown in hiring — as evident through this week’s ADP private payrolls data — could also be contributing to the results.
    “When firms slow their hiring rate, that hit Black workers immediately because they’re already in line the longest to try and find a job,” Spriggs said. “What’s happened is the queue’s just gotten longer so the discouraged worker effect is much more acute for Black workers.”
    While it’s too early to assign a specific cause to the declining labor force participation among Black workers, Gould said the continued downward trend in recent months may signal something other than “a statistical anomaly.”
    That said, the Federal Reserve’s campaign to quickly raise rates to tame surging prices may be causing more damage to the labor market, which tends to appear among historically disadvantaged groups like Black workers.
    “Black workers are beginning to feel the brunt of it in a disparate fashion,” said Michelle Holder, a distinguished senior fellow at Washington Center for Equitable Growth. “Now, this is one report, but I pretty much believe that this is going to be the pattern over the next few months, particularly if the Fed continues to aggressively implement its approach.”

    Like others, Holder agrees that it’s too early to attribute a cause to the decline in Black labor force participation, but she did call attention to rising unemployment among Black female workers.
    The group saw its unemployment rate rise from 5.3% in July to 5.9%. In comparison, white female workers saw their unemployment rate tick up to 2.8% from 2.6%.
    Hispanic female workers also experienced a sharp increase in their unemployment rate, rising to 4.3% from 3.2% in the prior month.
    While the jobless rate did rise at a faster clip among Hispanic workers compared to white workers and the overall jobs market, that group’s labor force participation rate and employment trend seem to mimic the broader market, Gould said.
    “We’re seeing this rise in unemployment as accompanied by a significant increase in participation and then uptake as well in employment,” she said. “I think that’s a hopeful sign. The fact that the unemployment rate moves up is not a troubling thing on its own.”
    — CNBC’s Gabriel Cortes contributed to this report.

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