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    CME Group profit jumps on record trading strength

    Trading volumes at exchanges tend to jump during periods of heightened uncertainty as clients increase hedging activity to manage risks.This drove double-digit growth across all CME asset classes in the reported quarter.The company’s total average daily volume (ADV) jumped 27% from a year earlier to a quarterly record of 28.3 million contracts.The ADV of interest rate products, which are often used to hedge against volatility stemming from changes in the benchmark interest rates, jumped 36% to a quarterly record of 14.9 million contracts.Equities trading was another bright spot as volatility sparked by a sell-off in August, following a weaker-than-expected July jobs report, bolstered volumes. CME’s equities ADV jumped 17% to 7.4 million contracts in the quarter.”Q3 2024 was the best quarter in CME Group (NASDAQ:CME) history,” said CEO Terry Duffy.Meanwhile, CME’s energy ADV jumped 21% to 2.6 million contracts. Mounting geopolitical tensions in the Middle East have increased volatility in the global commodity and energy markets.Clearing and transaction fees, CME’s chief source of revenue, jumped 19.5% to $1.30 billion in the reported quarter, while market data revenue rose 6.3% to $178.2 million. Total revenue jumped 18.4% to record $1.6 billion.Net income attributable to common shareholders of CME Group rose to $901.3 million, or $2.50 per share, in the three months ended Sept. 30, from $740.8 million, or $2.06 per share, a year earlier.CME shares have risen 7.4% so far this year, underperforming the 22.7% jump in the benchmark S&P 500 index. More

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    ECB starting to debate if rates must fall below neutral level – Reuters

    Earlier this month, the ECB slashed borrowing costs by a quarter point for a second straight meeting as policymakers look to address twin slowdowns in inflation and growth in the Eurozone currency area.It was the first back-to-back interest rate drawdown in 13 years, and served as a sign that the ECB has begun to pivot away from a period of interest rate hikes designed to quell elevated price growth.Instead, the ECB has indicated that it is refocusing policy on trying to reinvigorate a sputtering Eurozone economy that has struggled to keep pace with the US for much of the last two years.Even still, officials have so far said they are only aiming to ratchet rates down to a neutral level which, in theory, neither aids nor hinds economic activity and keeps inflation stable.But, citing conversations with half a dozen unnamed sources, Reuters said the ECB has begun to discuss if rates may need to go below that neutral mark. One source with knowledge of the deliberations said “I think neutral is not enough,” Reuters added.The sources stressed that any consensus was still far away, Reuters noted.Business activity and sentiment surveys out of the currency bloc undershot estimates in September. Meanwhile, an updated inflation reading released ahead of the ECB’s announcement showed that headline consumer price growth decelerated to an annualized 1.7% last month. The figure, which was initially 1.8%, is below the central bank’s stated 2% target.”The incoming information on inflation shows that the disinflationary process is well on track. The inflation outlook is also affected by recent downside surprises in indicators of economic activity,” the ECB has said. More

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    Germany’s Habeck lays out plan to boost economy through investment

    BERLIN (Reuters) -German Economy Minister Robert Habeck laid out plans to remedy weak growth in Europe’s largest economy on Wednesday by starting a fund to stimulate investment and changing course on Germany’s budget policy.Creating a climate-neutral modern industrial future requires massive investment, both public and private, which is being held back by Germany’s restrictive budgetary policy, Habeck wrote in a 14-page position paper.”There is too little leeway in the budget to enable private and public investment on a significantly larger scale than today,” he wrote.The International Monetary Fund (IMF) this week significantly downgraded its forecasts for Germany. No other major industrialized country is currently weakening as much.Habeck, whose name has been widely floated as the Greens’ candidate for chancellor in elections next year, took aim specifically at the country’s constitutionally enshrined cap on spending.The debt brake is a sacred cow of the Free Democrats (FDP), which governs along with the Greens and Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s SPD. To bypass it, Habeck wants to introduce a multibillion-euro “Germany Fund” to modernise infrastructure and provide an “unbureaucratic” investment premium of 10% for all companies.The proposed fund would focus in particular on small and medium-sized enterprises, large corporations and start-ups.The investment premium would be offset against the company’s tax liability. Unlike a simple improvement in write-offs, companies that do not make a profit at all, such as newly founded ones, would also receive the premium, wrote Habeck.The measure should be limited to five years, he said, adding that greater economic growth should ensure the national debt would increase only moderately related to economic output.Habeck, who joins a government delegation to India this week for talks on trade and investment, also called for slimmed-down trade deals with countries such as India and Indonesia that, for example, focus on industrial standards and leave out agricultural goods. COALITION RESPONSEFDP deputy leader Wolfgang Kubicki said Habeck’s proposals could only be seen as serious if they acknowledged that there was not enough political support to abolish the brake.He told the Rheinische Post newspaper that Habeck needed to state what the measure would cost current and future taxpayers.The SPD’s general secretary, Matthias Miersch, welcomed the proposal and said it was crucial now that all parties are working constructively on how to strengthen the German economy. An industry summit planned for next week, where Scholz will meet industry associations, trade unions and firms, “is the right place for this,” he told the Rheinische Post. More

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    Fed should beware of wishing on an R-star

    Unlock the Editor’s Digest for freeRoula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.The writer is president and chief investment strategist at Yardeni ResearchFrom early March 2022 through August 2024, Federal Reserve officials aimed to tighten monetary policy sufficiently to bring inflation down even though it was widely expected to cause a recession. They succeeded in doing so without a recession. Now inflation is closing in on their 2.0 per cent target, they are aiming to keep the unemployment rate from rising. They intend to do so by lowering the federal funds rate to its “neutral” level, at which inflation remains subdued while unemployment remains low. This nirvana level is often called R-star (or R*) by economists.The problem is that the economy very nearly achieved that state before the policy-setting Federal Open Market Committee cut the federal funds rate by half a percentage point on September 18 to 4.75 to 5.00 per cent. The FOMC also signalled more easing ahead in its quarterly Summary of Economic Projections of committee members. This showed that the median forecast of participants for the “long run” neutral federal funds rate was 2.90 per cent. They collectively deemed this would be consistent in the long run with the unemployment rate at 4.2 per cent and an inflation rate of 2.0 per cent. This implies that the real neutral federal funds rate is 0.90 percentage points, well below the current level.Of course, the concept of a neutral federal funds rate is a totally theoretical concept. Everyone agrees that it cannot be measured and will vary over time depending on numerous economic factors. Even the committee’s estimates for this long-run rate varied from 2.37 to 3.75 per cent.The concept of a real neutral federal funds rate is just as unfathomable, if not more so. It is extremely doubtful that anyone bases their economic decisions on an overnight bank lending rate that is adjusted for inflation measured on a year-over-year basis.Fed officials were undoubtedly alarmed by the apparent weakness in the labour market shown by data released just before their September FOMC meeting. But after the meeting, it was reported that September’s employment gains were stronger than expected and that July and August payrolls were revised higher. Furthermore, the unemployment rate fell back to 4.1 per cent.Meanwhile, the “supercore” inflation rate (core services excluding housing) remained stuck well above 2.0 per cent in September. In late 2022, Fed chair Jay Powell said this rate “may be the most important category for understanding the future evolution of core inflation”.So why are several Fed officials saying that they are still committed to additional rate cuts? Apparently, they believe that since inflation has declined significantly since the summer of 2022, they must lower the nominal federal funds rate to keep the real rate from rising and becoming too restrictive. They want it to go down towards their estimate of the real R-star. They fear that if the real rate is allowed to rise, inflation will fall below 2.0 per cent and unemployment might soar. So they are wishing upon an R-star that is a known unknown.The bond market’s reaction to the Fed’s supersized rate cut on September 18 is telling — a strong rise in the 10-year US Treasury yield and the increased inflation premium priced into that as measured by comparison with Treasury inflation-protected securities.That raises yet another question about the relevance of inflation-adjusted R-star. Fed officials intend to lower the federal funds rate because actual inflation has moderated. But their initial move to do so seems to be boosting expected inflation in the bond market. Most economists seem to agree that, in theory, R-star should be adjusted for expected rather than actual inflation.Fed officials seem to have committed to a series of rate cuts to get the federal funds rate down to neutral, wherever that might be. That seems awfully naive given that the next FOMC meeting will occur just after the US presidential elections. The outcome could have a significant impact on R-star. Both presidential candidates favour policies that are likely to widen the federal deficit and have inflationary consequences.Fiscal policy must have some impact on R-star. Yet, Fed officials are acting as though only monetary policy matters. Wishing upon R-star will not fix what is wrong with fiscal policy. Large federal deficits over the past few years helped to explain why the economy did not fall into a recession when the Fed tightened monetary policy. Yet inflation subsided. What if, as a result, nominal and real R-star are much higher than Fed officials believe? If the Fed keeps lowering the federal funds rate, it risks reviving inflation. The message from the bond market is beware of what you wish for when wishing upon an R-star. More

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    Trump tariffs likely to lead to higher U.S. interest rates, head of Institute of International Finance says

    Extreme tariffs proposed by U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump would interrupt the path of disinflation and could lead to higher interest rates, according to the head of the Institute of International Finance.
    Trump has made universal tariffs a core part of his economic pitch to voters, with suggestions of a 20% tariff on all goods from all countries and a higher 60% rate on Chinese imports.
    Trump has previously described universal tariffs as drawing a “ring around the country,” and denied they would be inflationary.

    Extreme tariffs proposed by U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump would interrupt the path of disinflation and could lead to higher interest rates, according to the head of the Institute of International Finance.
    “The assumption is you’ll have higher inflation, higher interest rates than you would have in the absence of those tariffs,” Tim Adams, president and CEO of the IIF financial services industry trade group, told CNBC’s Karen Tso on Tuesday.

    “You can argue, is it one off, or is it over time? It really depends on what retaliation looks like, and is it iterative over time. But no doubt it would be a break on the progress we’re making bringing down prices,” Adams said.
    Trump has made universal tariffs a core part of his economic pitch to voters, with suggestions of a 20% tariff on all goods from all countries and a higher 60% rate on Chinese imports. He has also pledged to put a 100% tariff on every car coming across the Mexican border, and to slap any country which acts to “leave the U.S. dollar” with a 100% tariff.

    In defense of the plan, Trump told Bloomberg Editor in Chief John Micklethwait in an interview earlier this month: “The higher the tariff, the more likely it is that the company will come into the United States and build a factory in the United States, so it doesn’t have to pay the tariff.”
    Trump has previously described universal tariffs as drawing a “ring around the country,” and denied they would be inflationary.

    However, analysts have warned that the overall package proposed by Trump, including higher tariffs and curbs on immigration, would place upward pressure on inflation, even if some of the impact could be absorbed in the near-term.
    U.S. inflation came in at 2.4% in September, down from a peak of 9% in June 2022 as the world grappled with the impacts of pandemic supply chain disruption and vast fiscal stimulus. The Federal Reserve kicked off interest rate cuts in September with an aggressive half percentage point reduction, despite concerns about the onward path of disinflation.

    The potential return of a Trump U.S. presidency comes at a time of increasing trade fragmentation around the world. The European Union earlier this month voted to place higher tariffs on China-made battery electric vehicles, alleging carmakers there benefit “heavily from unfair subsidies.”
    The IIF’s Adams told CNBC that both Trump and his Democrat opponent Kamala Harris were running as “change candidates” rather than pledging continuity.
    “The concern about Trump is that he’s anti-internationalist, doesn’t care about transatlantic relations, and will be more focused on isolationism and protectionism. Some of them may be a little overdone, but there’s certainly elements of that,” Adams said.
    “There’s no doubt that Vice President Harris will be much more engaged with the global community, much more interested in international organizations.”
    CNBC has contacted the Trump campaign for comment.
    — CNBC’s Rebecca Picciotto contributed to this story. More

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    California Tribal Casinos May Sue to Curb City Card Rooms

    In the sprawl of Los Angeles County, a handful of casinos have operated for decades.There’s the crescent-shaped casino in Commerce, an industrial city off Interstate 5. A warehouse-like gambling parlor in Hawaiian Gardens, a short drive south. Two card rooms in Gardena, a nearby suburb.Beyond being places to gamble and unwind, they have two things in common. They generate a large portion of their cities’ revenue. And their existence may soon be challenged in court by California’s tribal nations.After a multimillion-dollar lobbying battle, state legislation signed into law last month allows Native American tribes, which own some of California’s largest and most lucrative casinos, to dispute the legality of certain games played inside these small, privately owned gambling halls.Tribes have argued that such casinos — also known as card rooms because they have only table games and not slot machines — have siphoned millions of dollars away from them.The new law opened a window until April 1 for tribes to take their case to state courts, where they had lacked legal standing. At particular issue is whether the card rooms offer games considered Las Vegas-style gambling, to which the tribes have exclusive rights in California.A group called the California Cardroom Alliance has said the law puts jobs at risk.Recent legislation allows Native American tribes to challenge the legality of certain games played in card rooms.Stella Kalinina for The New York TimesWe are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

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    How is Javier Milei performing after nearly 11 months in office?

    He is a self-styled “anarcho-capitalist” with no government experience but is running one of the world’s boldest economic experiments, advised by his sister, his English mastiffs, and a social media guru.The fate of 46mn people in a country that is one of the world’s biggest food exporters lies in his hands. Hedge funders hail him as a beacon of pure capitalism in a “woke” business world, while leftists dismiss him as a loathsome manifestation of the global far right.So how is Argentina’s unconventional President Javier Milei performing after nearly 11 months in office? And can he transform a country that is synonymous with economic crisis into a success story?Inflation, Milei’s top priority and Argentina’s eternal bugbear, is down from 25.5 per cent a month when he took office last December to 3.5 per cent in September — although prices have still more than doubled since the start of the year.Milei has fulfilled his campaign pledge to “take a chainsaw to the state”, eradicating years of hefty government deficits and money-printing by halting capital spending, shrinking the government payroll and increasing pensions and state sector salaries by less than inflation.Government finances moved into the black by 0.3 per cent of GDP in the first eight months of this year, compared with a 4.6 per cent deficit at the end of 2023. One international financial official describes it as “the most drastic fiscal adjustment ever seen in a peacetime economy”.But austerity has deepened a recession which began last year, with the IMF predicting the economy will shrink 3.5 per cent in 2024. While there are some signs that economic activity has bottomed out — it grew 1.7 per cent month-on-month in July according to the latest government data — consumer spending, industry and construction remain deeply depressed compared with 2023. The number of Argentines in poverty has swelled to 53 per cent, the most in 20 years. Unemployment in the second quarter of this year stood 1.4 percentage points above the same quarter last year.“The worst is now past,” Milei insists in an interview with the Financial Times. “More than 80 per cent of [economic] indicators have turned positive . . . real wages have been growing for the past four months.” He concludes: “We are laying the foundations for strong growth.”Economists, diplomats and pollsters are less certain, praising Milei’s achievements in extraordinarily difficult circumstances but pointing to big risks that remain.“The starting point was terrible,” says Alfonso Prat-Gay, who served as finance minister between 2015 and 2016 in the centre-right government of Mauricio Macri and is now a consultant. “But the government is too triumphalist . . . It’s admirable what Milei achieved on the fiscal side this year, but there’s a big question about how sustainable it is.”Some confidence is returning. The gap between the black market dollar and the official rate — a closely watched barometer of sentiment — has shrunk to just under 20 per cent this month from levels as high as 60 per cent in January.But most foreign investors want to see how durable the Milei experiment proves before opening their cheque books. Domestic industry is being squeezed by the increasing strength of the peso, which also makes it harder for the government to save up the dollars it needs for debt payments.When it comes to stimulating growth, Prat-Gay says of the government: “They want it to happen, but they aren’t doing anything to make it happen.”Argentina also faces external financial pressure, with more than $14bn of debt repayments due next year and no chance of borrowing fresh cash on international markets until the economy is stronger.The government rests on a fragile legislative base. With only a small minority of seats in congress and no state governors, Milei is betting that he can govern by decree and borrow enough votes from Macri’s bloc of lawmakers to veto laws that increase spending. He hopes to elect many more legislators in midterm elections next October. Whether or not he succeeds, some argue he has already permanently reshaped Argentine politics.“Maybe we underestimated him,” says one senior diplomat in Buenos Aires. “He has kicked over the entire political playing board and, for now, he has neutralised the opposition . . . Even if he doesn’t succeed, I doubt the country will go back to where it was before.”Perhaps the biggest question amid all the uncertainty is how long the patience of the Argentine people with Milei’s drastic economic shock therapy will endure.Milei’s popularity has dipped since taking office but, at about 44 per cent, his approval rating is holding up well for a leader presiding over tough austerity measures. In a country with a long tradition of big, noisy street protests, the relative lack of mass demonstrations so far has been striking.“The government is having successes in some areas,” admits Héctor Daer, leader of the powerful health workers’ union, on the quieter than expected streets. “People want their problems solved and they don’t want to be protagonists [in protests] for fear of losing their jobs.”This may change: Milei’s veto of a bill restoring inflationary increases for university budgets brought an estimated 250,000 people on to the streets earlier this month, uniting the left and centre-right and prompting some to suggest the president had miscalculated.But, for now, one of Milei’s biggest advantages is the lack of alternatives. “People who voted for him are saying: ‘Let the madman get on with it,’” political analyst and consultant Sergio Berenzstein says. “Ultimately, his success will be defined by the speed and the perception of economic recovery.”Argentina’s Peronist movement, which has dominated government over the past 40 years, is on the back foot after leaving the economy to Milei in a dire state and suffering a series of corruption scandals.Axel Kicillof, governor of Buenos Aires province and the Peronists’ most powerful elected official, accuses Milei of deceiving voters. “They thought the spending cuts were for others [like the elite], not for them,” he says. But when asked about the Peronists’ message now, he is more vague, talking of the movement’s nationalist values and the need to build consensus around the worth of the state.Former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, still Argentina’s dominant leftist, has announced her intention to return to the presidency of the Peronist party in what is seen as an attempt to stamp her brand of populist socialism on the movement before next year’s midterm elections.But “Cristina”, as she is universally known, is fighting a series of court cases over corruption allegations and is almost as polarising a figure as Milei, so it is unclear to what extent her return will help the left.Martín Lousteau, a leader in the centrist Radical party, compares Argentines faced with a choice between Milei and the Peronists to long-suffering passengers on a 12-hour flight from Buenos Aires to Madrid offered a meal choice between chicken and pasta.“The last five times the chicken has given me food poisoning, so I’m going to ask for pasta,” he says. “When the pasta comes, it’s going to be horrible, nobody likes it . . . but there’s nothing else to eat and 10 hours to go before landing. And then Cristina comes out and says: ‘I’ve got some chicken for you.’” More

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    Argentina’s economy minister strikes defiant note on default risk

    Argentina is one of the world’s serial defaulters, having failed to meet its international debt obligations nine times. This time, insists economy minister Luis Caputo, will be different.Mired in recession and short of dollars, the South American nation is due to pay more than $14bn to bondholders and multilateral lenders in 2025. Could there be another default?“Of course not, never,” the former Wall Street trader tells the Financial Times in a joint interview at the presidential palace with President Javier Milei. “Our commitment to pay our creditors is absolute, total.”Milei, the libertarian economist who became Argentina’s president last December, is more than 10 months into a free market reform drive to remake the notoriously crisis-prone economy.However, while he has slashed inflation and balanced the government’s books, Milei has been unable to rebuild the country’s scarce foreign exchange reserves or restore access to international capital markets, raising questions about how Argentina will make next year’s repayments.But Caputo claims both will soon be achieved as the government’s programme improves the economy and boosts market confidence.Economists estimate that the central bank’s hard currency reserves are still roughly $4.5bn in the red, after discounting a loan from China, private deposits and other liabilities. The build-up of reserves has been slowed as the government spends dollars on maintaining the peso’s official exchange rate, in order to prevent a spike in inflation. Low global prices for soyabeans and corn, Argentina’s main exports, have also contributed.Argentina’s economy minister Luis Caputo says the country will meet its debt obligations More