Biden, Joseph R Jr

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    The U.S. and Japan strike a deal to roll back Trump-era steel tariffs.

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    WASHINGTON — The Biden administration reached a deal to partly lift tariffs that the Trump administration had imposed on Japanese steel, agreeing to scale back levies that had rankled both the Japanese government and American manufacturers that use imported metal.The agreement, which U.S. trade officials announced on Monday, will maintain some protections for American metal makers by transforming the current 25 percent tariff on Japanese steel into a so-called tariff-rate quota, an arrangement in which higher levels of imports are met with higher duties. Up to 1.25 million metric tons of Japanese steel will be allowed to come into the country duty-free each year, with volumes above that level subject to a 25 percent tariff.That level is the average of Japanese steel exports to the United States in 2018 and 2019, a Biden administration official said. The arrangement is set to take effect April 1.The deal will place restrictions on products that are finished in Japan using steel from other countries. To qualify for duty-free treatment, steel products must be entirely made in Japan, to ensure the agreement is not providing a back door to the United States for cheap metal from China and other countries.The official said the countries would continue to negotiate over Japan’s steps to reduce excess capacity in its steel sector, as well as to lower the carbon emissions generated by the steel industry, which was a focus of a United States steel agreement with the European Union in October. European steel has been able to enter the United States duty free since Jan. 1.Aluminum imports — which have also been subject to a 10 percent tariff since the metal levies went into effect — were not affected by the agreement.In a statement, Gina Raimondo, the commerce secretary, said the agreement would “strengthen America’s steel industry and ensure its work force stays competitive, while also providing more access to cheaper steel and addressing a major irritant between the United States and Japan, one of our most important allies.”Ms. Raimondo pointed to the agreements with Japan and Europe as a sign that the administration was trying to restore alliances that were strained during the Trump administration.“Today’s announcement builds on the deal we struck with the E.U. and will further help us rebuild relationships with our allies around the world as we work to fight against China’s unfair trade practices and create a more competitive global economy for America’s families, businesses and workers,” she said.The Trump administration imposed metal tariffs on dozens of countries in 2018, saying a glut of foreign steel and aluminum threatened to put U.S. manufacturers out of business and posed a national security threat. President Donald J. Trump did lift or scale back the tariffs on certain countries, including Mexico and Canada, in return for trade concessions, but many governments remained subject to the levies.Wendy Cutler, the vice president of the Asia Society Policy Institute, said imposing national security-related tariffs on a close U.S. ally like Japan “never made sense, and was an unfortunate chapter in U.S. trade history.”“By putting the steel matter finally behind us, it opens the door for stepped-up cooperation on a range of pressing regional and global economic and trade issues,” she said.The trade barriers pleased many domestic metal makers and unions, which said they were necessary to preserve American industry and compete with a glut of cheap foreign metal from countries like China. But the tariffs have upset both foreign allies and many American companies that use imported steel and aluminum to make cars, washing machines, beer cans and other products, and that were forced to pay higher prices for their inputs.Kevin Dempsey, the chief executive of the American Iron and Steel Institute, an industry group, said the agreement with Japan would prevent another import surge that would undermine American industry and employment in the steel sector.“We appreciate the Biden administration’s continued recognition that the American steel industry is critical to our national and economic security and to efforts to build a more sustainable U.S. economy,” he said, adding that “proper implementation and enforcement” of the deal would be essential. More

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    Biden Adopts Recommendations for Promoting Union Membership

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    The White House on Monday released a report outlining several dozen steps it intends to take to promote union membership and collective bargaining among both public and private sector employees.The report is the product of a task force that President Biden created through an executive order in April. A White House statement said the president had accepted the task force’s nearly 70 recommendations.Many of the steps would make it easier for federal workers and employees of contractors to unionize, including ensuring that union organizers have access to employees on federal property, which does not always happen today.The report also recommends creating preferences in federal grant and loan programs for employers who have strong labor standards, preventing employers from spending federal contract money on anti-union campaigns and making employees aware of their organizing rights.When the task force was created, some White House officials indicated that they supported considering labor union membership as a factor in awarding government contracts, but the task force recommendations generally did not emphasize this approach.Under federal procurement law, the government generally cannot deny contracts to companies it deems hostile to labor unions. But it may be able to consider a company’s posture toward unions as a factor in certain narrow cases — for example, when labor strife resulting from an aggressive anti-union campaign could substantially delay the provision of some important good or service.The executive order Mr. Biden signed creating the task force required it to submit recommendations within 180 days, at which point the president would review them.One key premise of the task force was that the National Labor Relations Act, the 1935 law that protects federal labor rights, explicitly encourage collective bargaining, and yet, according to the Biden White House, no previous administration had explored ways that the executive branch could do so systematically.The ambition of the task force was twofold: to enact policies for federal agencies and contractors that encourage unionization and to model best practices for employers in the public and private sectors.The president’s task force will submit a second report describing progress on its recommendations and proposing additional ones in six months.Union officials and labor experts consider Mr. Biden to be among the most pro-labor presidents ever. He moved quickly to oust Trump appointees viewed as unsympathetic to labor and to undo Trump-era rules that weakened protections for workers, and signed legislation that secured tens of billions of dollars to stabilize union pension plans.Mr. Biden has occasionally used his bully pulpit to urge employers not to undermine workers’ labor rights or bargaining positions, as when he warned against coercing workers who were weighing unionizing during a prominent union election at Amazon last year. He later called Kellogg’s plan to permanently replace striking workers “an existential attack” on its union members.Last week, Mr. Biden signed an executive order requiring so-called project labor agreements — agreements between construction unions and contractors that set wages and working conditions — on federal construction projects worth more than $35 million, a move that the White House estimates could affect nearly 200,000 workers. He had previously signed an executive order raising the minimum wage for federal contractors to $15 per hour from $10.95.But despite Mr. Biden’s backing, and polls showing widespread public support for unions, the rate of union membership nationwide remains stuck at a mere 10 percent, its lowest in decades.The Protecting the Right to Organize Act, or PRO Act, which Mr. Biden supports, would make it easier to unionize by preventing companies from holding mandatory anti-union meetings and imposing financial penalties on employers that retaliate against workers seeking to unionize. It passed the House in March but remains a long shot in the Senate. Democrats may seek to pass some of its provisions along party lines this year. More

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    Modern Monetary Theory Got a Pandemic Tryout. Inflation Is Now Testing It.

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    The sun was sinking low over Long Island Sound as Stephanie Kelton, wearing the bright red suit jacket she had donned to give a virtual guest lecture to university students in London that morning, perched before a pillow fort she had constructed atop the heavy wooden desk in her home office.The setup was meant to keep out noise as she recorded the podcast she co-hosts, a MarketWatch production called the “Best New Ideas in Money.” The room was hushed except for Ms. Kelton, who bantered energetically with the producers she was hearing through noise-blocking headphones, sang a Terri Gibbs song and made occasional edits to the script. At one point, she muttered, “That sounds like Stephanie.”What Stephanie Kelton sounds like, circa early 2022, is the star architect of a movement that is on something of a victory lap. A victory lap with an asterisk.Ms. Kelton, 52, is the most familiar public face of Modern Monetary Theory, which posits that if a government controls its own currency and needs money — to make sure its citizens have food and places to live when, say, a global pandemic pushes many out of work — it can just print it, as long as its economy has the ability to churn out the needed goods and services.In the M.M.T. view of the world, “How will you pay for it?” is a vapid policy question. Real-world resources and political priorities determine how much lawmakers can and should spend.It is an idea that was forged, and put to something of a test, during a low-inflation era.When Ms. Kelton’s book, “The Deficit Myth,” was published in June 2020 and shot onto best seller lists, inflation had been weak for decades and had dropped below 1 percent as consumers retrenched in the pandemic. The government had begun to spend rapidly to try to prop up flailing households.When Ms. Kelton appeared on a Bloomberg podcast episode, “How M.M.T. Won the Fiscal Policy Debate,” in early 2021, inflation had bounced back to around 2 percent.But by a chilly January afternoon, as ducks flew over the frosty estuary outside Ms. Kelton’s house near Stony Brook University, where she teaches, inflation had rocketed up to 7 percent. The government’s debt pile has exploded to $30 trillion, up from about $10 trillion at the start of the 2008 downturn and $5 trillion in the mid-1990s.The good news: The government has had no trouble selling bonds to fund its spending, contrary to the direst projections of deficit scolds.The bad news: Some economists blame big spending in the pandemic for today’s rapid price increases. The government will release fresh Consumer Price Index data this week, and it is expected to show inflation running at its fastest pace since 1982.And that may be why Ms. Kelton, and the movement she has come to represent, now seem anxious to control the narrative. The pandemic spending wasn’t entirely consistent with M.M.T principles, they say — it wasn’t assessed carefully for its inflationary effects as it was being drawn up, because it was crisis policy. But the situation has underlined how hard it is to know just where the economy’s constraints lay, and how difficult it is to fix things once you run into them.Last summer, Ms. Kelton called inflation a temporary sign of “growing pains.” By the fall, she painted it as a good problem to solve, compared with a continued weak economy. As it lingers, she has argued that diagnosing what is causing it is key.“Can we blame ‘MMT’ for the run-up in inflation?” she tweeted rhetorically last month, just hours before her podcast recording.Understand Inflation in the U.S.Inflation 101: What is inflation, why is it up and whom does it hurt? Our guide explains it all.Your Questions, Answered: We asked readers to send questions about inflation. Top experts and economists weighed in.What’s to Blame: Did the stimulus cause prices to rise? Or did pandemic lockdowns and shortages lead to inflation? A debate is heating up in Washington.Supply Chain’s Role: A key factor in rising inflation is the continuing turmoil in the global supply chain. Here’s how the crisis unfolded.“Of course not.”Emon Hassan for The New York TimesThe economy is the limitTo understand how M.M.T. fits in with other dominant ways of thinking, it’s helpful to take a trip to the beach.In economics, there’s a school of thought sometimes called “freshwater.” It’s the set of ideas that became popular at inland universities in the 1970s, when they began to embrace rational markets and limited government intervention to fight recessions. There’s also “saltwater” thinking, an updated version of Keynesianism that argues that the government occasionally needs to jump-start the economy. It has traditionally been championed in the Ivy League and other top-ranked schools on the coasts.You might call the school of thought Ms. Kelton is popularizing, from a bay that feeds into the East River, brackish economics.M.M.T. theorists argue that society should feel capable of spending to achieve its goals to the extent that there are resources available to fulfill them. Deficit spending need not be constrained to recessions, even theoretically. Want to build a road? No problem, so long as you have asphalt and construction workers. Want to feed children free lunches? Also not a problem, so long as you have the food and the cafeteria workers.What became Modern Monetary Theory began to percolate among a small group of academics when Ms. Kelton, a former military brat and one-time furniture saleswoman, was a graduate student.She had a gap period between graduating with a bachelor’s degree from California State University, Sacramento and attending Cambridge University on a Rotary scholarship, and her college economics professor recommended that she spend the time studying with L. Randall Wray, an early pioneer in the set of ideas.They hit it off. She remained in Mr. Wray’s circle, and he — and Warren Mosler, a hedge fund manager who had written a book on what we get wrong about money — convinced her that the way America understood cash, revenues and budgeting was all backward.Ms. Kelton earned her doctorate at The New School, long a booster of out-of-mainstream economic thinking, and went on to teach at the University of Missouri-Kansas City. She, Mr. Wray, who was there at the time, and their colleagues mentored doctoral students and began to write academic papers on the new way of thinking.But academic missives reached only a small circle of readers. After the 2008 financial crisis punched a hole in the economy that would take more than a decade to fill, Ms. Kelton and her colleagues, invigorated with a new urgency, began a blog called “New Economic Perspectives.” It was a bare bones white, red and black layout, using a standard WordPress template, that served as a place for M.M.T. writers to make their case (and, in its early days, featured a #Occupy[YourCityHere] tab).The theory picked up some fervent followers but limited popular acceptance, charitably, and outright derision, uncharitably. Mainstream economists panned it as overly simplistic. Many were confused about what it was arguing.“I have heard pretty extreme claims attributed to that framework and I don’t know whether that’s fair or not,” Jerome H. Powell, the Fed chair, said in 2019. “The idea that deficits don’t matter for countries that can borrow in their own currency is just wrong.”Ms. Kelton kept the faith. She and her colleagues held conferences, including one in 2018 at The New School where she gave a lecture on “mainstreaming M.M.T.”Rohan Grey organized the conference and a media reception afterward at an Irish pub (“‘Shades of Green,’ monetary pun intended,” he said). It was attended by organizers, academics, “lay people” and lots of journalists. At the happy hour — which lasted until 1 a.m. — Ms. Kelton was mobbed when she walked in the door. “She was already on her way to super celebrity status at that point,” said Mr. Grey, an assistant professor at Willamette Law.When she gave presentations on her ideas, Ms. Kelton would occasionally display a quote often attributed to Mahatma Gandhi: “First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you. Then you win.”And her star was rising more broadly. She advised Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaigns in 2016 and 2020, getting to know the Vermont senator. He never fully publicly embraced M.M.T., but he nevertheless advanced policies — like Medicare for All — that reflected its ideals.She amassed a following of tens of thousands, later growing to 140,000, on Twitter. Her first handle, @deficitowl, prompted ardent fans to gift her wise bird figurines, some of which are still on display in her home office. She cultivated a small coterie of prominent journalists who were interested in the idea, most notably Joe Weisenthal at Bloomberg. She signed a book deal. She was regularly talking to Democratic lawmakers, sometimes in groups.Her idea percolated through Washington’s media and liberal policy circles. Mainstream economic predictions that huge debt loads would come back to haunt nations like Japan had not played out, the anemic rebound from 2008 had scarred society and called the size of the crisis response into question. Ms. Kelton and her colleagues were ensuring that their theory on benign deficits was an ever-present feature of the blossoming debate.Then the pandemic hit, and suddenly the theoretical question of just how much the government could spend before it ran into limits faced a real-world experiment.The $1.9 Trillion FloorWithout thinking about paying for it, Donald J. Trump’s government quickly passed a $2.3 trillion relief package in late March 2020. In December, it followed that up with another $900 billion. President Biden took office in early 2021, and promptly added $1.9 trillion more.Inflation F.A.Q.Card 1 of 6What is inflation? More

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    Biden Notes Economic Success as Employment and Wages Rise

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    President Biden on Friday celebrated unexpectedly rapid January hiring and new data that showed historically strong employment gains over the past year, seizing on good news at a moment when consumers are nervous about their prospects thanks to a lingering pandemic and persistent inflation.America has recorded 6.6 million new jobs since January 2021, giving Mr. Biden the strongest first year of job gains of any president since the government began collecting data in 1939. The unemployment rate has dropped precipitously since the worst of the pandemic, and wages rose a rapid 5.7 percent in the year through January.The progress came on the heels of historic job losses at the start of the pandemic — and the recovery remains incomplete. But the surprisingly strong pace of the rebound offers Mr. Biden a chance to try and turn around an economic narrative that has focused largely on negatives: soaring inflation and dour consumer sentiment.On Friday, Mr. Biden attempted to capitalize on the numbers and the moment.“If you can’t remember a year when so many people went to work in this country, there’s a reason — it never happened,” Mr. Biden said during remarks from the White House.But the administration is in a delicate position as it tries to shift the economic conversation and refocus voters on the breakneck pace of the recovery, rather than the ongoing effects of the pandemic.Brisk inflation is eroding workers’ spending power, government support for families and businesses is fading, and households report pessimistic outlooks. Inflation is expected to come in at 7.3 percent in the year through January when the government releases fresh consumer price data next week.And some of the same developments that Mr. Biden cited on Friday as wins for his administration are likely being eyed warily by the Federal Reserve, which is poised to raise interest rates from rock bottom at their March meeting as officials try to cool the economy.Surging wages could mean that companies will lift prices to cover their rising labor costs, exacerbating inflation and forcing a more vigorous central bank response. Jerome H. Powell, the Fed chair, has previously signaled that the central bank would be worried if wage growth exceeded productivity, a sign that it would drive prices higher over time.“No matter how bullish you are about productivity growth, the Fed can’t live with that pace, if it is sustained,” Ian Shepherdson, chief economist at Pantheon Macroeconomics, wrote after the release of the January jobs report.The report spurred investors across Wall Street to speculate that policymakers might make a bigger rate increase than previously expected at their next meeting — perhaps half a percentage point — as rising wages amp up the inflation urgency.Investors on Friday also sharply increased their bets that the central bank might make six or seven quarter-point rate increases in 2022. The Fed’s benchmark interest rate is currently set near zero, and that would leave interest rates close to 2 percent.How much the Fed slows down the economy this year could have important political implications. Fed rate increases tend to slow hiring, cause stock and other asset prices to fall, and weaken the market for big purchases like houses and cars.Economists have been expecting economic growth to moderate in 2022, as government pandemic supports fade and the Fed pulls back its pandemic-era help. That could mean that this is a high point for the White House — one that it is trying to embrace, even as it tries to sustain the progress.“For many Americans, wages are up this year,” Mr. Biden said. “That’s good — we have to continue to keep wages growing. And we need even more high-paying jobs.”Some of the president’s top economic aides have been frustrated by the persistent gloom expressed in polls of public sentiment despite economic growth and job gains.Officials say they believe the ongoing pandemic is primarily responsible for how people feel about their lives. But several senior administration officials have said privately in recent days that the White House was working harder to claim credit for the robust economy even as it was careful not to alienate people who are still struggling, especially with costs rising sharply on many goods and services.The president nodded at the pain of inflation during his remarks, emphasizing the need for more competition among corporations and pointing out that the administration is doing what it can to ease price pressures.“Look, average people are getting clobbered by the cost of everything,” Mr. Biden said, noting that gas and food prices are up. Later, he added, “there’s a lot we can do to give families a little extra breathing room.”Last year, Mr. Biden frequently argued that his legislative agenda, including a $2.2 trillion social spending bill in Congress, was his answer to those economic challenges. Now, with that bill stalled in the Senate, the president is increasingly talking about steps his administration can take without lawmakers.On Friday, he repeatedly sought to connect the strong growth in jobs numbers to his early executive orders calling for a “Buy America” approach to the economy. He noted the recent announcements by several large companies to increase manufacturing in the United States, including a planned $20 billion semiconductor facility in Ohio and $7 billion electric vehicle plant in Michigan.After delivering his remarks at the White House, Mr. Biden, along with Vice President Kamala Harris, again hailed the good economic news during a visit to an ironworkers union office in Maryland, where he signed an executive order aimed at lowering the costs of federal construction projects.Whether the White House can shift the national mood from economic pessimism to optimism — particularly ahead of the midterm elections — will depend in large part on the trajectories of the economy and the pandemic.Mr. Biden signed an executive order he said would help lower costs of federal construction projects during a visit to an ironworkers union office in Upper Marlboro, Md., on Friday.Sarahbeth Maney/The New York TimesMuch of the contrast between how rapid progress has proved and how voters feel about it likely owes to the virus, which has lingered on for nearly two years, disrupting lives and inflicting tragedy. And while employment did grow rapidly last year, there are still 2.9 million fewer workers on payrolls today than there were in February 2020.The January jobs data may have looked strong partly because the virus has disrupted normal hiring patterns: As labor shortages bit in industries like retail, employers might have decided not to lay off seasonal workers who usually would have been let go after the holidays. As 2022 begins, virus flare-ups make economic forecasting a field of nonstop surprise.“We expected the very low pace of year-end layoffs to support job growth this month, and with hindsight, this tailwind more than offset the temporary Omicron drag,” economists at Goldman Sachs wrote in a research note.Thanks at least in part to big government spending that helped to fuel a rapid recovery in consumer demand, the pace of labor market healing has consistently surprised economists. While the unemployment rate ticked up to 4 percent in January, that is down from 14.7 percent at the start of the pandemic and not far above the 3.5 percent that prevailed before its onset.“Overall the labor market remains tight,” Michael Feroli, chief U.S. economist at J.P. Morgan, wrote of the data — but he noted that as the virus persists, they are also hard to read. “Fed Chair Powell has recently vowed to be humble, which will be useful in reading these numbers.”More traders see a half-point rise in March.Probability of a 50 basis point interest rate increase at the Federal Reserve’s March 16 meeting, derived from trading in futures contracts

    Source: CME GroupBy The New York TimesBen Casselman More

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    President Biden extends solar tariffs, with major caveats.

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    WASHINGTON — President Biden announced Friday that he would extend tariffs on imported solar products first imposed during the Trump administration but would reduce the scope of products affected by the levies, a decision aimed at balancing his goals for bolstering domestic manufacturing with speeding up the transition toward clean energy.The decision will impose a tariff of between 14 percent and 15 percent for the next four years on imported crystalline silicon solar products that are used to convert sunlight to energy. But the Biden administration also moved to double the amount of solar cells that can come into the country without facing tariffs, and it said it would begin talks with Canada and Mexico to allow them to export their products to the United States duty-free.The administration also said it would exempt a certain type of two-sided panel, called bifacial panels, from the levies to help ensure that solar deployment in the United States continues at the pace and scale needed to meet the president’s clean energy targets.The carve-outs will maintain some protection for domestic industry while also allowing solar energy projects to continue accessing some cheaper foreign solar products. But they also angered some domestic manufacturers and labor leaders, who argued that the administration should be doing more to shield American manufacturers from cheap Chinese products.Mark Widmar, the chief executive of First Solar, a solar panel manufacturer in the United States that had fought for tougher restrictions on imported products, said he was “deeply disappointed” in the decision and that it would allow China “to outflank American efforts to grow self-reliant solar supply chains.”“Today’s decision places at risk billions of dollars in existing investment, thousands of jobs, our country’s energy security and a climate-critical transition to net-zero emissions,” he added.Companies that install solar power projects using foreign panels praised the decision to scale back the tariffs.“Every dollar spent on tariffs means less dollars put toward creating jobs and opportunity in communities,” said George Hershman, the chief executive of SOLV Energy, the nation’s largest utility-scale solar installer. “The bifacial exclusion will help us greenlight projects and deploy more solar capacity across the country.”The solar industry worked for the last three years to preserve the exclusion of bifacial panels from the tariff, though it had hoped for broader action that would remove the tariffs entirely.Abigail Ross Hopper, chief executive of the Solar Energy Industries Association, said her group was disappointed with the decision to extend the tariffs but called the administration’s move a “balanced solution.”Mr. Biden has pledged to cut U.S. emissions at least 52 percent below 2005 levels by the end of this decade, and the administration is counting on solar to play a significant role in reducing emissions from electricity production. A recent Energy Department report found that solar energy could provide up to 40 percent of the nation’s electricity by 2035, compared with its current 4 percent.But much of the world’s supply of solar panels comes from China — creating a quandary for an administration that has described China as America’s foremost geopolitical and economic competitor.China has pumped vast amounts of government funding into renewable energy industries. It now dominates all stages of the solar supply chain, producing between 60 and 80 percent of the world’s polysilicon, wafers, crystalline silicon cells and solar modules, according to Wood Mackenzie, a research and consulting firm.American solar manufacturers have struggled to compete with low-cost products from China, even as U.S. demand for solar power has surged. The production capacity of American solar manufacturers stood at just four gigawatts last year, enough to satisfy just one-fifth of the country’s installations.Xiaojing Sun, the head of global solar research at Wood Mackenzie, said some new manufacturing plants had opened since the tariffs were imposed, like Jinko Solar’s facility in Florida, LG Electronics’ in Alabama and Hanwha Q CELLS USA’s in Georgia. And some existing companies, like First Solar, had expanded operations.At the same time, the U.S. solar market grew to about 20 gigawatts last year from 11 gigawatts four years before, meaning even as domestic manufacturers contributed more supply they did not gain more market share with the tariffs in place, she said.“It wasn’t enough to turn the tide,” Ms. Sun said. “The amount of market that is met by domestic manufacturing is pretty small.”The issue of how to treat imported solar products has divided some of the administration’s traditional allies. Labor unions, along with those who prioritize efforts to build a domestic solar industry and reduce trade with China, have been pitted against solar energy developers and others who see combating climate change as among the administration’s most important tasks.Those divisions have been mirrored inside the Biden administration, where climate and trade officials have at times clashed over how tightly to curb Chinese imports.China’s solar industry has also been tarred by its reliance on components sourced from Xinjiang, where the Chinese government carries out mass detentions of minority groups.An administration ban imposed last year on solar products made with material from one Chinese company accused of using forced labor in Xinjiang brought tens of billions of dollars of U.S. solar installations to a halt, industry groups said. In June, a new law that strengthens the prohibitions on importing goods from Xinjiang will cast that net even wider.In a joint statement with other Ohio lawmakers, the state’s senators, Sherrod Brown, a Democrat, and Rob Portman, a Republican, called Mr. Biden’s tariff announcement “a disappointing, misguided decision.”“The administration is missing the best opportunity in a generation to ensure the United States leads the way in manufacturing solar supply chain components,” the senators said.The solar tariff announcement came as the House of Representatives voted Friday morning to approve a bill that would devote nearly $300 billion toward scientific research, including $600 million in grants and loans to solar manufacturing. The Biden administration has also proposed substantial tax credits and other measures to spur the solar industry as part of its Build Back Better Act, but that legislation remains mired in Congress.The solar tariffs were first imposed in February 2018, with President Donald J. Trump following a recommendation of the International Trade Commission, an independent panel that reviews trade cases. The tariffs started at 30 percent and were set to decline by 5 percentage points each year over the course of four years.Those tariffs would have expired this month. But several manufacturers, including Auxin Solar, Suniva, Hanwha, LG and Mission Solar Energy, petitioned to extend the levies, arguing they were still needed.In its announcement on Friday, the Biden administration doubled the amount of cells that could be imported into the United States duty-free to five gigawatts, saying the change would give domestic manufacturers that use the cells to make solar panels the supplies they need to be competitive.But some critics said that change, along with the exclusion for bifacial panels, would gut protections for the domestic industry. In a note to clients on Tuesday, Julien Dumoulin-Smith, a research analyst at Bank of America Merrill Lynch, said that tariffs with those carve-outs “would be largely toothless.”A senior administration official pushed back on those claims on Friday, arguing that the decision would help create jobs, reduce American dependence on foreign suppliers and meet ambitious clean energy goals.The White House had been consulting with all sectors of the solar industry, and they all agreed that the tariffs on their own would not bring back solar cell production or increase module production to a point where it could supply U.S. needs, the Biden official said.Ana Swanson reported from Washington, and Ivan Penn from Los Angeles. More

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    Covid’s effect on the jobs numbers may leave Washington in the dark.

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    Without clarity on how quickly the labor market can shake off Omicron, the Fed will have difficulty applying the data to its interest rate strategy.Jerome H. Powell, the Federal Reserve chair, has compared setting monetary policy to stumbling through an unlit room: You feel your way to the door cautiously to avoid making a painful mistake.The analogy is likely to ring especially true after the Omicron-jumbled job report for January, as the virus obscures the pace of progress in the job market and leaves policymakers in the dark. But the Fed may lack the luxury of creeping slowly through the dinginess this time.Mr. Powell and his colleagues are poised to raise interest rates for the first time since 2018 in March, a move meant to cool off the economy as inflation runs at its fastest pace in nearly 40 years. It will likely be in the uncomfortable position of making that move — and signaling what comes next, as markets are pointing to as many as five 2022 rate increases — at a time when the latest job market data look lackluster at best, bleak at worst.The Fed will look past a few months of virus-depressed job market data as officials try to assess the actual strength of the economic rebound: The Omicron variant is already in retreat in the United States, and there’s little reason to expect an extended lull in hiring after a year of breakneck labor market progress.But the virus flare-up and its economic repercussions underline a challenge that is likely to confront the Fed throughout 2022 as it pares back its support. It’s hard to know what will happen next in a coronavirus-stricken business environment.“We’ll be humble and nimble,” Mr. Powell pledged of the central bank’s policy path, speaking at a news conference last month.The Fed typically navigates by watching incoming labor market data — especially the unemployment rate, lately — and inflation data. But it could take a few months for the jobs picture to clear, and in the meantime, inflation is running hot. Used-vehicle prices, which have been a big driver of overall price increases, might be on the cusp of stabilizing but have yet to cool off notably. Gasoline prices are headed back up, food is costing more and rents have been increasing steeply.That is likely to leave the Fed, which typically takes away its help at moments of strong labor market progress, moving when the job market is hitting a bump.“It’s the Omicron fog,” said Diane Swonk, chief economist for the accounting firm Grant Thornton. “It’s not going to give us visibility.”Fed officials are trying to make sure that they do not fall behind the curve on high inflation, allowing it to become so locked into consumer and business expectations that it becomes a permanent feature of the economic landscape. How the Fed strikes the balance — and how much it slows down the economy with its rate increases this year — could have important political implications, too. Voters are already glum about the economy’s prospects, and President Biden is suffering in the polls. More