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    California $20 Fast-Food Minimum Wage Is Coming April 1

    The nation’s highest state minimum wage for fast-food workers takes effect on Monday. Owners and employees are sizing up the potential impact.A decade ago, Jamie Bynum poured his life savings into a barbecue restaurant now tucked between a Thai eatery and a nutrition store in a Southern California strip mall.As a franchise owner of a Dickey’s Barbecue Pit, Mr. Bynum is pridefully particular about the details of his establishment — the size of the hickory wood pile on display near the entrance, the positioning of paper towel rolls on each table, the careful calibration it takes to keep his restaurant staffed 10 hours a day with a small crew.The staffing, he said, has become harder in recent years, as the state’s minimum wage has steadily increased since 2017, often rising by a dollar per year. Today, it’s $16 an hour.But on Monday, it will jump to $20 an hour for most fast-food workers in California, propelling them to the top of what minimum-wage earners make anywhere in the country. (Only Tukwila, Wash., a small city outside Seattle, sets the bar higher, with a minimum wage of $20.29 for many employees.)The ambitious law, which supporters hope to see replicated nationwide, has been characterized by opposing sides in stark terms. To backers, it is a step toward fair compensation for low-wage workers who faced significant risk during the pandemic. To opponents, it is a cataclysmic move that will raise food prices, lead to job losses and force some franchisees to consider closing.“People don’t understand that when wages rise, so do the prices,” Mr. Bynum said.Mr. Bynum has, in recent years, raised prices to try to maintain profit margins — and each time, he said, he has noticed a drop in customers. That, in turn, forced painful decisions about cutting staffing and trimming hours.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

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    U.S. Judge Blocks Rule Extending Reach of Labor Law to Franchisers

    The ruling upends the National Labor Relations Board’s move to broaden the standard for determining when a company is liable for labor law violations.A federal judge, siding with business lobbying groups, has blocked a rule that would broaden the reach of federal labor law to make big franchisers like McDonald’s responsible for the conditions of workers they have not directly hired.The judge, J. Campbell Barker of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Texas, on Friday vacated a rule issued by the National Labor Relations Board determining when a company is a joint employer, making it liable under labor law for the working conditions of those hired by a franchisee or provided by a staffing agency. He said the rule, which was to go into effect Monday, was too broad.The decision by Judge Barker, a nominee of former President Donald J. Trump, keeps in place a more business-friendly standard for assigning legal liability.Unions and employees support the rule because it makes it easier to bargain for better conditions, while franchisers say it would disrupt their business model.The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which led a group of business groups challenging the rule, applauded the ruling. “It will prevent businesses from facing new liabilities related to workplaces they don’t control, and workers they don’t actually employ,” Suzanne P. Clark, chief executive of the chamber, said in a statement.The labor board’s chair, Lauren McFerran, who was named by President Biden, said in a statement that the ruling was “a disappointing setback,” but “not the last word” on the joint-employer standard. If the board appeals the ruling, the case would move to the conservative U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. The labor agency pushed for the case to be moved to Washington, but Judge Barker denied that request.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

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    Choice Hotel Franchise Owners Push Back on Merger With Wyndham

    Franchisees are fighting Choice Hotels’ attempted takeover of its biggest rival, which would create a dominant player in the budget hotel sector.When Patrick Pacious, the chief executive of a large portfolio of hotel brands, promoted a blockbuster attempt to acquire a competitor in October, he said the proposed merger would lower costs and attract more customers for the families and small businesses that own most of the company’s locations.“Our franchisees instantly grasped the strategic benefit this would bring to their hotels,” Mr. Pacious, who leads Choice Hotels, said on CNBC.As the weeks have passed, however, the reaction has not been positive. Wyndham Hotels and Resorts, the target of the proposed deal, rejected the offer from Choice, which is now pursuing a hostile takeover. And in early December, an association representing the majority of hoteliers who own Choice and Wyndham-branded properties came out strongly against it.“We all don’t know what’s driving this merger. Many of us feel it’s not needed,” said Bharat Patel, the chairman of the organization, the Asian American Hotel Owners Association. The group surveyed its 20,000 members and found that about 77 percent of respondents who own hotels under either brand or both thought a merger would hurt their business.“I’m not against Choice or Wyndham,” said Mr. Patel, who owns two Choice hotels. “We just need robust competition in the markets.”That opposition illustrates a growing resistance to consolidation in industries that have grown more concentrated in recent years. Even some Wall Street analysts have expressed skepticism that Choice’s proposal is a good idea.The views of hotel owners could become a hurdle for Choice as it seeks approval for a merger from the Federal Trade Commission, which has taken an interest in franchising as evidence has mounted that the economic and legal relationship has increasingly tilted in favor of brand owners and away from franchisees.To understand why franchisees are worried, it’s helpful to understand how hotels are structured.About 70 percent of the nation’s 5.7 million hotel rooms operate under one of the several big national brands like Marriott or Hilton, according to the real estate data firm CoStar. The rest are independent.Over the past few decades, franchise chains have bought one another and merged to the point where the top six companies by number of rooms — Marriott, Hilton, InterContinental, Best Western, Choice and Wyndham — account for about 80 percent of all branded hotels.How a Choice/Wyndham merger would stack upCombining the two companies would create America’s largest branded hotel chain

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    Number of hotel rooms in the United States
    Note: Data is as of Dec. 19.Source: CoStar GroupBy The New York TimesUnlike fast food franchisees, hotel owners typically develop or buy their own buildings, representing a multimillion-dollar investment for each property. The industry has drawn thousands of immigrant entrepreneurs from South Asia. Some owners accumulate sprawling portfolios, but most end up with just a few hotels.The average member of the Asian American owners’ group owns just two hotels, most commonly with one of the economy or midscale brands. Choice and Wyndham dominate that segment, with 6,270 and 5,907 hotels in the United States, including Days Inn, Howard Johnson, Quality Inn and Econo Lodge.Being part of a franchise network provides a recognized name, a business plan and collective purchasing that is supposed to give small businesses the benefits of scale. In exchange, hotel owners pay the brands a fee to join, ongoing royalties and other payments for marketing, technology and consulting.As a result, franchisees are effectively customers of the hotel brands. Less competition between hotel chains can leave owners with fewer options and, thus, less leverage to demand better services for a lower cost.Consider the frustrations of Jayanti Patel, who owns a Comfort Inn — one of Choice’s 22 brands — in Gettysburg, Pa.He said Choice had been taking a larger cut, via charges like an $18 monthly fee for reporting his property’s energy use, discounts for rooms booked with rewards programs and penalties when guests file complaints. Mr. Patel also laments declining service, such as from revenue management consultants who are supposed to provide advice that increases his profits. Choice has outsourced this work to a service that operates partly overseas.Mr. Patel said his profit margins had become “thinner and thinner,” and he’s considering signing up with a different brand when his franchise agreement ends in a couple of years. Friends who own Wyndham-branded properties seem happy, so he might adopt one of its brands as long as Choice doesn’t acquire that chain.“When my window comes up in 2026, 99 percent I don’t want to renew my agreement,” Mr. Patel said. “And maybe If I want to go to Wyndham, they have nearly 20 brands, and I lose that opportunity, because it will be the same thing.”Choice argues that as its rivals have expanded and merged, it also needs to grow to offer hotel owners bigger savings on supplies like signage and bedsheets. The company is also promising to bargain down the commissions that hotel owners pay websites like Expedia and Booking.com, which are particularly crucial in the budget segment.“Combining with Wyndham would enable us to continue to deliver enhanced profitability for franchisees — by helping to lower their costs and grow their direct revenue while providing our best-in-class technology platform,” Choice said in a statement.However, many hotel owners say that even if Choice did negotiate lower prices, they are skeptical that they would reap those benefits. In 2020, 90 franchisees filed a lawsuit that accused the company of, among other things, not passing along rebates from contracts with vendors. A judge ruled that hotel owners would have to pursue their claims in separate arbitration cases, and several did.Rich Gandhi, a hotelier in New Jersey, supports a campaign for state legislation that would improve the rights of franchisees in the hospitality industry.Hannah Yoon for The New York TimesChoice prevailed in two of those proceedings. But in one, brought by a hotelier in North Dakota, an arbitrator found this past summer that Choice had “made virtually no efforts to leverage its size, scale and distribution to obtain volume discounts.” He ordered Choice to pay $760,008 in legal fees and compensation. Choice is contesting the award.The case is just one example, but it squares with recent economic research. A 2017 study found that while being part of a hotel franchise system helped bring in guests, it did not lower the cost of doing business compared with operating an independent hotel.But litigating on your own is expensive, which is why few franchisees do so even when they feel they’ve been mistreated.Rich Gandhi, a hotelier in New Jersey, is supporting a campaign for state legislation that would improve the rights of franchisees in the hospitality industry. He leads a three-year-old group called Reform Lodging that is also opposing the merger.Mr. Gandhi has turned four of his Choice-branded hotels into Best Westerns and Red Roof Inns, both non-Choice brands that he said offered better assistance, fewer restrictions and more reasonable fees. Choice, he argued, introduced too many competitors to his area because it makes money from selling new franchises and controlling more of the market, even if the practice squeezes existing owners.“They want the biggest pie, because to them it’s all incremental revenue,” Mr. Gandhi said. “If you keep accumulating all these buildings and provide no support, it’s like one of those old pyramid schemes that’s ready to fall apart, which is exactly what’s happening.”A representative for Choice referred The New York Times to four hoteliers who it said would speak favorably of the merger. Two of them, including the chairman of the Choice Hotels Owners Council — to which all franchisees must belong and pay dues — declined to comment on the record. A third, who owns three Radisson hotels and was happy when Choice bought the brand, said the purchase of Wyndham — a much bigger company — could pose problems.The fourth, a Florida hotelier, Azim Saju, said that despite the loss of competition, if Choice acquired Wyndham the company would still have an incentive to make sure franchisees stayed afloat.“The concern is valid, but the bottom line is that franchising doesn’t do well unless the franchisees are profitable,” Mr. Saju said. “I think Choice has become more conscientious of the importance of franchisee profitability in order to further their success.”The dissatisfaction of hotel owners could hurt Choice’s ability to absorb Wyndham, especially if more franchisees switch to other brands. That prospect has soured some Wall Street analysts on the deal.“In hotel franchising, the critical constituency, as much as consumers walking in the door, is that franchising community,” said David Katz, an analyst who covers the hospitality and gambling industries for Jefferies & Company. “They’re going to own more than 50 percent of the limited service and economy hotels in the United States, and not have the full support of the largest franchisee organization out there? I think that merits further debate.”Franchisee support isn’t important just for morale. It could also sway federal regulators, who have started to take into account the effect of corporate mergers not just on their consumers but also on suppliers like book authors, chicken farmers and Amazon sellers.“Traditionally in antitrust there’s this consumer welfare standard, which is focused on ‘Is this going to be good or bad for consumers?’” said Brett Hollenbeck, an associate professor at the Anderson School of Management of the University of California, Los Angeles. “If the F.T.C. doesn’t feel like this argument will hold sway, they could try a more novel theory, which is that it could hurt franchisees.”Choice said it anticipated that its deal would be approved and was expecting to complete the transaction within a year. Its offer to buy all outstanding Wyndham shares extends through March, when it will try to replace the directors on the company’s board with people who will approve the sale. More

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    Restaurant Chain Franchises Face Scrutiny From the FTC

    Troubles at the restaurant chain Burgerim highlight concerns about whether franchisees need more protection in their contracts with franchisers.“Making It Work” is a series about small-business owners striving to endure hard times.When Kenneth Laskin flew to California to meet with executives at Burgerim, a start-up chain of restaurants, he was made to feel not just like another prospective franchisee, but like part of a family.The company’s executives, he said, made a point one evening of highlighting their common Jewish faith by praying with him in Hebrew.At the time, in 2017, Mr. Laskin believed he was being offered a plum deal. He paid $50,000 for the right to open up as many Burgerim franchised restaurants as he wanted in Oregon. “I got an entire state,” Mr. Laskin recalled.Today, Burgerim has run into trouble, leaving a trail of financial problems, a lawsuit by the Federal Trade Commission and broader regulatory scrutiny of whether protections for franchisees like Mr. Laskin are adequate.The challenges highlighted by Burgerim come as franchising continues to grow as a way that people are choosing to start small businesses.There has been rising concern about whether franchisees need more protection in their contracts with franchisers. That concern has found a sympathetic ear in the Biden administration and in several state legislatures, and has resulted in multiple proposed limits on franchisers’ powers.In the end, Mr. Laskin opened only one Burgerim restaurant, in Eugene, Ore., which closed in 2020 during the pandemic. Since then, Mr. Laskin has been depleting his savings to pay the bills.Burgerim, which boasted of having inventive high-quality burgers, has been criticized by former franchisees for making grand promises and poor disclosure about business risks. Of the more than 1,500 franchises Burgerim sold, most never opened, the commission said in a lawsuit that the agency filed last year against the company and its founder in U.S. District Court in California.Peter Bronstein, a lawyer for Oren Loni, who was the company’s principal executive in the United States, said that Burgerim made some business mistakes but that it was often trying to help its franchisees succeed. The two sides have been in mediation, according to the court file. Kenneth Laskin believed he got a plum deal to start as many Burgerim franchised restaurants as he wanted in Oregon. He ended up opening only one, which closed during the pandemic.Zack Wittman for The New York TimesEven as the pandemic was still bearing down, the number of franchised establishments in the country grew 2.8 percent in 2021 and 2 percent in 2022. That number is expected to increase an additional 2 percent this year, bringing the total to 805,436 franchises, according to the latest data released by the International Franchise Association, an industry group.As the franchising network expands, so does its contribution to the broader economy. Franchises employed 8.4 million people last year, a 3 percent increase from 2021.There is historical evidence, according to the International Franchise Association, that the first U.S. franchise dates back to Ben Franklin, who created a network of printing partnerships.Franchising took root in the American business landscape in the decades following World War II, with the growth of franchised brands like Howard Johnson’s hotels.Sam Falk/The New York TimesToday a fundamental symbiosis drives the business model: Franchisees pay an upfront fee to an franchiser like Dunkin’ Donuts or Applebee’s, which gets them access to all of that brand’s suppliers, advertising and technology. The franchisee can lean on these established systems to get their business up and running quickly rather than having to start from scratch. And the franchiser, in turn, receives the franchising fee, typically tens of thousands of dollars, in addition to a regular royalty payment from the franchisee.“Franchising has always been an on-ramp for the middle class to open their own business,” said Charlie Chase, the chief executive of FirstService Brands, a franchiser of home renovation and painting services.Over the years, Mr. Chase, who has served on the board of directors of the International Franchise Association, said he had helped hundreds of successful franchisees get their start. “We have created a lot of millionaires,” he said.Still, Mr. Chase said he was concerned about how some franchisees were being pushed into businesses without understanding all of the risks.He blames aggressive internet advertising for some of this (Mr. Laskin learned about Burgerim from a Facebook advertisement, for example), and also a network of third-party brokers that often push prospective franchisees to buy multiple franchises at a time.The Federal Trade Commission, under the leadership of Lina Khan, is looking broadly at industry practices including disclosure and issues such as franchisers’ unilaterally changing the terms of an agreement with a franchisee.“Franchising can be a good business model, but it can also lead to a lot of harm,” Elizabeth Wilkins, the director of the commission’s Office of Policy and Planning, said. “We are concerned about instances where the promise does not match with reality. We believe there is a significant gap that is worth our investigation.”In the case against Burgerim,  federal officials said that the company executives told franchisees they would refund their franchise fees if their business did not open, but that many people never got their money back. Mr. Bronstein, the lawyer for Mr. Loni, said offering refunds “was not the best way to run a business.”In the years since the 2008 financial crisis and mortgage meltdown, regulators have bolstered protections for consumers by improving disclosure by banks and banning certain fees they can charge. But small businesses, including franchisees, have not benefited from the same extensive regulatory scrutiny.“There is a view in the consumer protection world that small businesses do not get the same level of protections as other consumers,” Samuel Levine, the director of the F.T.C.’s Bureau of Consumer Protection, said. “Yet, consumers and small businesses, including franchisees, face many of the same challenges. That is something we are trying to address.”The F.T.C., under the leadership of Lina Khan, above, is looking broadly at industry practices at franchises including disclosure about business risks. Saul Loeb/Agence France-Presse, via Getty ImagesAs part of that effort, the Federal Trade Commission is looking at how to apply laws like the Robinson-Patman Act, an antitrust law that prevents large corporations from using discriminatory pricing to take advantage of small businesses. The agency also has proposed a rule banning noncompete clauses in employment contracts and may consider limiting the use of noncompete clauses in franchise agreements.When Mr. Laskin bought a franchise, he was not looking to become a millionaire, but rather to build a stable middle-class life.He opened his sole Burgerim store in Oregon in September 2019.But the problems started soon after his grand opening, Mr. Laskin said. Burgerim had not established a reliable food distribution system in Oregon, he said, forcing Mr. Laskin to fend for himself to supply his restaurant. In trying to help new locations get off the ground, the company never collected royalties from the franchisees, which limited its ability to support its restaurant network over the long term, Mr. Bronstein said. Still, he added, there are many Burgerim restaurants that operated successfully.Mr. Laskin kept the business going during the pandemic by offering take out. But he couldn’t find people to work during the lockdowns, which meant he and his wife ran the entire operation themselves.Mr. Laskin, who has severe back pain from years of restaurant work, hoped a franchise would offer him the chance to delegate work to employees and spare his back.But some days, Mr. Laskin would return from the burger restaurant at night unable to walk the final few yards up his driveway because of the pain from standing on his feet all day.The Burgerim leadership, Mr. Laskin said, provided no support during the pandemic.A Burgerim restaurant in Walnut Creek, Calif., last year.Gado/Getty ImagesHe closed his restaurant in May 2020 and moved to Florida. Mr. Laskin, 57, said that his back problems limited the type of work he can do and that it had been difficult finding work after his burger business closed.The struggles of the former Burgerim franchisees were brought to light in 2020 by the publication Restaurant Business, which focuses on the food service industry, in a series of articles.Some franchisees say improving disclosure or increasing regulations on fee structures will not be a panacea in rooting out the industry’s troubled actors.“Transparency is a great thing, but I am not sure more disclosure is going to change any outcomes,” said Greg Flynn, the founder and chief executive of Flynn Restaurant Group, the largest franchisee in the country with 2,400 locations and 73,000 employees, operating brands like Taco Bell, Pizza Hut and Panera.“There are a lot of stories of franchisees buying into a system and then it goes badly for them,” he added. “I would just suggest that they might have had a similar experience outside of a franchise system.”Mr. Laskin says it is not just bad timing or circumstances that were to blame. “The system is fundamentally crippled,’’ he said. “There is too much secrecy. It shouldn’t be this difficult.” More

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    Franchisers, Facing Challenges to Business Model, Punch Back

    Discontented franchisees have found allies among state legislators and federal regulators in pushing for new laws and rules, but change has been slow.When you visit a McDonald’s, a Jiffy Lube or a Hilton Garden Inn, you may assume you’re visiting one business. More likely, you’re actually visiting two: the operator of that particular location, known as the franchisee, and the larger company that owns the intellectual property behind it, or the franchiser.Conflict is inherent in that relationship, but it has hit a boil in recent months, as franchisees say they’re being squeezed out of the profits their business generates through new fees, required vendors and constraints on their ability to sell.On Monday, the Government Accountability Office released a report finding that franchisees “do not enjoy the full benefit of the risks they bear,” citing interviews with dozens of small-business owners who said they lacked control over basic operations that determined their ability to earn a profit.They’ve found a sympathetic ear in the Biden administration and in several state legislatures, giving rise to a growing wave of proposals to limit the power of franchisers.Franchisers have been largely successful in heading off new laws and rules, which the chief executive of McDonald’s, Chris Kempczinski, has described as an existential threat.“The reality is that our business model is under attack,” he said in February at the convention of the International Franchise Association, a trade group for franchisers, franchisees and franchise suppliers. “If you’re not paying attention to these pieces of legislation because you think they don’t impact you, think again.”The chief executive of McDonald’s says the franchising industry’s business model is “under attack” because of a push for new laws and rules.Haiyun Jiang/The New York TimesFranchising has been a feature of American capitalism for decades, allowing brands to grow quickly using investment from entrepreneurs who commit their own capital in exchange for a business plan and a logo that consumers might recognize. The Federal Trade Commission requires franchisers to disclose factors including start-up costs and the company’s financial performance to those considering buying a franchise, and some state laws govern considerations like transfer rights.But much of the relationship is largely unregulated — changes a franchiser can make to contracts, for example, and which vendors can be required.Keith Miller, a Subway franchisee in California who has become an advocate for franchisee rights, said the lack of oversight had given rise to an increasing number of disputes. “There’s more of a squeeze on the franchisees than ever,” he said. Franchisees’ royalty payments used to cover things like marketing, new menus and sales tools, he added, but “now you seem to have to pay for your services.”The franchise industry says that its business model remains beneficial to individual owners, and that additional regulation would protect substandard franchisees at everyone else’s expense. Matthew Haller, chief executive of the International Franchise Association, cited a 2021 survey by the market research firm Franchise Business Review in which 82 percent of franchisees said they supported their corporate leadership.But legislative battles at the state level reflect rising tension.Hotel franchisees, squeezed by lost revenue during pandemic lockdowns, say they have also been hurt by the hotel brands’ loyalty programs, which require the hotelier to rent rooms at a reduced rate. A bill in New Jersey that would limit those loyalty programs, as well as rebates that brands can collect from vendors that franchisees are required to use, faces fierce opposition from the American Hotel and Lodging Association. In a statement, the association’s chief executive, Chip Rogers, said the bill would “completely undermine the foundation of hotel franchising by limiting a brand’s ability to enforce brand standards.”Laura Lee Blake, the chief executive of the 20,000-member Asian American Hotel Owners Association, said hoteliers had reached desperation. “There comes a point when you’ve tried and tried to meet with the franchisers to ask for changes, and they refuse to listen,” she said.In Arizona, legislation introduced to enhance franchisees’ ability to sell their businesses and prevent retaliation from franchisers if they band together in associations has also faced resistance. The bill was approved by two committees in February and March, but the International Franchise Association hired two lobbying firms to fight it. In a Republican caucus meeting, opponents attacked the legislation as a “sledgehammer” that would bring the government into private business relationships. The bill’s sponsor, Representative Anastasia Travers, a freshman Democrat, said she was taken aback by how quickly opposition snowballed, and ultimately gave up on it for the 2023 session.“Time has not been my friend,” Ms. Travers said.A similar bill in Arkansas, which the International Franchise Association initially said would be “the most extreme franchise regulation of any state,” was amended to strip entire sections, including one that would have prevented franchisers from imposing any requirement that “unreasonably changes” the financial terms of the relationship as a condition of renewal or sale.After the bill was slimmed down — leaving provisions such as one restoring the existing statute, which had been rendered ineffective by a subsequent law, and another requiring the franchiser to establish material cause before terminating the franchise — the industry group withdrew its opposition, allowing swift passage.A Subway location in New York. “There’s more of a squeeze on the franchisees than ever,” said Keith Miller, a Subway franchise owner in California.Carlo Allegri/ReutersIn an email to supporters before the votes, the franchise association’s vice president for state and local government relations, Jeff Hanscom, credited the Arkansas agribusiness giant Tyson Foods for being “instrumental in negotiating this outcome.” Tyson Foods did not respond to a request for comment.At the federal level, franchisers may face greater challenges.The Biden administration is moving on two fronts. One is the Federal Trade Commission, which issued a request in March for information about the ways in which franchisers control franchisees. The initiative could result in additional guidance or rules — putting the industry on high alert.The second front is the National Labor Relations Board, which has proposed making it easier for franchisers to be designated as “joint employers” that would be liable for the labor law violations of franchisees if they exerted significant control over working conditions. Franchisers maintain that this would “destroy” the business model, because it would subject them to unacceptable risks.Franchisers attribute the flurry of activity to union influence. The Service Employees International Union, in particular, has long fought to get McDonald’s designated as a joint employer so it would be easier to mount an organizing effort across the chain, rather than store by store.Robert Zarco, a Miami lawyer retained by an association of 1,000 McDonald’s owners, said that to avoid the joint-employer designation, and the extra liability it would bring, franchisers could choose to weaken their grip on franchisee operations.“If the company wants to not be considered a joint employer, it’s very simple to fix,” he said. “Unwind all those excessive controls that they have implemented that are outside of protecting the brand and the product and service quality.”The franchise association’s federal lobbying spending hit a high of $1.24 million in 2022, alongside millions more spent in recent years on federal elections, and doesn’t include money spent by the individual franchise brands.The high stakes are evident in other ways, as well.The Franchise Times, a 30-year-old independent trade publication with six editorial employees, writes about day-to-day events in the industry: acquisitions, executive leadership changes, technology trends. When strife arises, such as lawsuits and bankruptcies, it writes about those, too.The publication’s legal columnist, Beth Ewen, wrote several stories this year about Unleashed Brands, a portfolio of franchises that has drawn lawsuits from franchisees. In response, the company published a markup of one of Ms. Ewen’s stories in red pen font with “DEBUNKED” stamped across the top. (The organization had given similar treatment to an article about the company by The New York Times. Both publications stand by their reporting, and Unleashed did not ask for corrections.)In March, a new website popped up at the address “NoFranchiseTimes.com.” Its front page was devoted to an attack on what it called “editorial bias,” “denigrating the businesses that support their publication.”It called for the publication’s advertisers — which include law firms, vendors and brands — to cancel their purchases.Michael Browning Jr., the chief executive of Unleashed Brands and a member of the International Franchise Association’s board, emailed the trade group’s membership saying that while he had not created the website, he supported its message and thought the group should revoke The Franchise Times’s membership. Mr. Browning did not respond to a request for further comment.The association declined to revoke the membership, and the publication says its advertising revenue is up from last year. But to Ms. Ewen, a 35-year veteran of business reporting, the episode shows that the industry is trying to divert attention from real problems — and that some members are playing hardball.“They’re trying to hit at our business model and our ability to keep going,” she said. “There’s a lot of people spending a lot of time trying to get us and others to stop doing these stories.” More

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    When Private Equity Came for the Toddler Gyms

    Tiffany Cianci spends most of her days in socks, padding around the fitness studio she operates in Frederick, Md., about an hour outside Washington. Her clients are young: kids ranging from 4 months to 12 years old. They come to learn somersaults, try the monkey bars, sing some songs. (“Little Red Caboose,” complete with a train whistle accompaniment, is one of her favorites.)Ms. Cianci, 41, spent the first part of her career as a sommelier, specializing in sake. In 2017, wanting to leave the hospitality industry for something that allowed her to spend more time at home, she and her husband bought their facility as part of a franchise chain called The Little Gym. Its slogan: “Serious fun.”They got what generations of franchise owners have gotten out of similar deals, with brands like McDonald’s or Jiffy Lube: a known brand name and detailed business plans in exchange for an initial fee and a cut of the revenue. For Ms. Cianci, it was more than just a business.“I love it. I really love it,” said Ms. Cianci, a mother of three who studied dance. “I love my students, and I love that it lets me make a difference.”In the last year and a half, since The Little Gym was acquired by a private equity-backed firm called Unleashed Brands, her work has felt far less idyllic.According to legal filings, internal documents, and interviews with more than half a dozen other franchisees — most of whom requested anonymity so as to avoid retaliation — Unleashed began to demand higher fees and institute more stringent requirements, which the independent owners thought would threaten their profits. The day after Ms. Cianci organized her fellow franchise owners into an association to push back against the changes, the corporate office told her it was terminating her license on the grounds that she was chronically late in paying her fees. Given the timing, Ms. Cianci maintains in the legal filings that it constituted retaliation.Tiffany Cianci, the owner of Teeter Tots, is fighting a court battle against Unleashed Brands, which bought the company that originally franchised her business.Lexey Swall for The New York TimesAlong the way, Unleashed Brands surveilled Ms. Cianci’s business with undercover shoppers, met with her landlord and disparaged her to fellow franchisees. When she tried to salvage her business under a new name — it’s now called Teeter Tots Music n Motion — the company sued, accusing her of violating its trademarks and a noncompete clause in her franchise agreement.The episode has plunged Ms. Cianci about $300,000 into debt and enmeshed Unleashed in a nasty court battle not long after it acquired multiple new brands. The outcome will be a test of just how much a franchisor can unilaterally change the rules of a business relationship that has served as an on-ramp to entrepreneurship for hundreds of thousands of people.The legal fight — along with two others Unleashed has faced with franchisees at its other brands — also reveals the challenges of applying the private equity playbook to the unique world of franchises.Private equity has notched decades of high returns for investors by following a well-worn strategy: acquire distressed or undervalued companies or real estate, increase profits and then sell them. Greatest hits include foreclosed homes, highway rest stops and coal mines bought out of bankruptcy.Franchising has become one of private equity’s targets du jour. According to the research firm FRANdata, the number of franchise brands acquired by private equity firms and other investors rose from 52 in 2019 to 149 in 2021 and was on track to nearly equal that total in 2022.Private equity firms tout their ability to bring new ideas, technologies and efficiencies, and franchises, financially weakened by the pandemic, appeared ripe for those kinds of changes.But the reality is not so straightforward. The nation’s franchisees — 237,619, according to FRANdata — like Ms. Cianci, think of themselves as independent small businesses, who have often sunk their life savings into the enterprise. That’s why Little Gym owners are resisting Unleashed’s attempts to squeeze their profits to pad its own.Unlike, say, factory workers, who can be laid off at will, franchisees are supposed to be protected by legal documents that prescribe a certain business model for years at a time. Moreover, Unleashed — and its investors — need franchisees to stay motivated so they can keep generating revenue and recruit others to keep expanding the franchise system.Ms. Cianci, who is now in arbitration with Unleashed Brands, has been working to change state laws to better protect franchisees who might find themselves in her position down the line. The Federal Trade Commission, meanwhile, is reconsidering federal regulations on franchisors, which haven’t changed for more than a decade.Direct inquiries to Michael Browning Jr., Unleashed’s chief executive and founder, and other executives were not returned. Instead, a public relations firm answered detailed questions via email, saying the company’s changes have improved business across the board. “The financial impact and franchisee benefit of these efforts is undeniable,” the spokesman wrote.Many of the changes, however, are simply not what franchisees say they’d signed up for.“What this reflects is a conflict between the private equity firm that bought this and what they actually bought,” said Francine Lafontaine, an economist at the University of Michigan who specializes in franchise relationships. “In their due diligence, they didn’t seem to think too much about who they were going to be working with once they owned this chain.”‘Candy Land board of life’Ms. Cianci helps Mariah Strawley move her daughter, Brynlee Strawley, 19 months, through an obstacle course during a class.Lexey Swall for The New York TimesMr. Browning, the son of a real estate developer with a background in health care investing, viewed The Little Gym as a perfect part of his vision: He was building a conveyor belt of activities for kids.Mr. Browning spent the 2010s building a franchise called Urban Air, a chain of trampoline parks where parents could spend $700 on a birthday party to remember for their seventh grader. The venture was staked by Mr. Browning and his father and eventually Urban Air formed Unleashed.Private equity was also interested in the Brownings’ growing business. While a company spokesman did not clarify the company’s relationship with private equity, on the websites of the private equity firms AHR Growth Partners, Mantucket Capital and MPK Equity Partners, Unleashed or its brands are listed among their current or recent investments.In 2021, Mr. Browning decided to scale up, following a hot new trend in private equity: building “platforms” to consolidate several brands in a similar industry that could then cross-sell a range of services to their customers, as well as sell more franchises to their existing franchisees. Mr. Browning would often mention Neighborly, a roll-up of home services offerings that had been bought by the private equity giant KKR, as his model.“If I have five home services brands, I can pitch all those services to the same customer,” said Ritwik Donde, senior research analyst at FRANdata, which helps investors vet potential acquisitions. “Those complementary systems lower the cost of customer acquisition. ”Mr. Browning’s company, Unleashed Brands, began buying other youth enrichment chains. Parents — always moms, in Mr. Browning’s conception — could then spend money at his companies from the birth of their kids through high school graduation.Ms. Cianci was immediately skeptical of Mr. Browning’s vision for rapidly collecting children’s services and integrating their sales, operations and marketing.“That might be OK when you’re cleaning a dryer vent, but it’s not when you’re throwing around a 4-month-old and you need them to be safe,” Ms. Cianci said. “He was moving faster than he would need to get to know the business.”Ms. Cianci helped organize a group of Little Gym franchisees to contest some new requirements imposed by Unleashed Brands.Lexey Swall for The New York TimesTo kick off the new program, Unleashed invited all of its newly acquired franchisees to a conference in Orlando in October 2021, including Little Gym’s approximately 175 owners. The company rented out the Wizarding World of Harry Potter and held a fireworks show. And Mr. Browning treated attendees to a speech he called “vision casting,” in which he articulated his plans for building a family of children’s brands that families could spend money on from birth to age 18.The “Candy Land board of life,” he called it. He promised new tech tools that would make their lives easier. “Auto-magic,” he called it.Changes didn’t take long. Within weeks, long-tenured headquarters employees started leaving. In conversations with franchisees across the country, numerous owners expressed frustration that the support they depended on had evaporated; instead of calling a trusted adviser whenever they wanted, they had to file an online ticket. (Unleashed said that it “never sought to cut access” to its staff and that the ticket system was instituted to make sure they were responding in a timely fashion.)The company tried to impose a new payroll vendor that caused unending headaches. Certain activities, such as karate, were eliminated as Unleashed acquired businesses with similar programming; the company said it trimmed services with low enrollment to “streamline” the offerings. The company also outlined a process by which franchisees could lose their licenses if they failed to meet brand standards, which set a sour tone among some of the operators. To people who’d just made it through a pandemic and operated on thin margins even in good times, the changes felt unnecessary and destabilizing.In the fall of 2021, the company required all franchisees to sign a new agreement allowing Unleashed to automatically debit their bank accounts. Ms. Cianci noticed that it also contained broad language allowing the company to extract any other fees that might be owed, which she believed went beyond her franchise agreement.Under the advice of a lawyer, she refused to sign it and started to send her royalty payments via paper check. But she worried that most franchisees would simply accept the new arrangement, along with another requiring them to use — and pay for — a shared call center.To sound the alarm to others, Ms. Cianci held conference calls, often with a lawyer present. As concerns spread, in May a group of Little Gym franchisees formed the Happy Handstands Franchisee Association, which ultimately reached more than 90 percent participation from across the system. Ms. Cianci was elected president. The company started sending warning notices to franchisees who hadn’t signed the new agreements.On May 19, 2022, Happy Handstands’ lawyers sent Unleashed a cease-and-desist letter on behalf of the membership. The very next evening, an email popped up saying Ms. Cianci’s franchise had been terminated. When she tried to check it, her email account was gone, too. Unleashed said the company didn’t know she was the association’s president when they decided to terminate her. Ms. Cianci said it was widely known across the system and mentioned in a Facebook group visible to lower-level corporate executives.To save her business, Ms. Cianci went before an arbitrator and filed for a preliminary injunction decrying the termination as retaliatory; the arbitrator ruled that she hadn’t cleared the high legal bar necessary to stop the process. After that, she started tearing down all her Little Gym branding and adapting her curriculum so as not to violate the company’s trademarks. She paused when Unleashed’s lawyers wanted to discuss a settlement, which she said she rejected over its harsh terms. When they demanded she finish the process of “de-identifying” as a Little Gym immediately, she had difficulty getting started again because she had surgery on a broken foot.In June and July, the company sent undercover shoppers, including one who was a licensed private investigator, who posed as parents and asked Ms. Cianci’s employees what kinds of lessons they offered and whether they overlapped with The Little Gym’s programming. In early July, Unleashed, with the help of outside counsel DLA Piper, sued her in the superior court of Arizona for Maricopa County, where The Little Gym is based. The company accused her of failing to eliminate all branding fast enough, offering declarations from the investigators as evidence — the color scheme looked the same, for example, and a Wi-Fi network was still “TheLittleGym,” password “SeriousFun.”Soon after, the company’s lawyers also visited her landlord in Frederick, which Unleashed said was “part of a standard process to inquire as to the status of the lease.” According to Ms. Cianci’s notes from her subsequent conversation with the landlord, the lawyers told him that she was in legal trouble and wouldn’t be able to keep paying rent.Her landlord then sent her a letter, which was filed as evidence in court, declining to renew her lease and demanding more than $275,000 in back rent, including real estate taxes, most of which Ms. Cianci thought had been forgiven during the pandemic. Unleashed then exercised its option to take over the lease, although the building remains empty. (Her landlord declined to comment.)In mid-July, Unleashed Brands’ chief legal officer, Stephen Polozola, sent all Little Gym franchisees an email titled “Friendly Reminder on Confidentiality.” In it, without naming Ms. Cianci, he warned them not to share any information with a certain former franchisee, who he said had been terminated for not paying royalty fees on time.Further, he wrote that the company had received reports from “no less than seven” former employees who said that the unnamed franchisee had underpaid them and created a hostile work environment. The email finished with a grainy screenshot of a Facebook post containing a vulgar message that Mr. Polozola said had come from that same franchisee but didn’t have her name attached.The battle has put Ms. Cianci about $300,000 in debt and enmeshed Unleashed in a nasty court battle just as it tries to get its investment strategy off the ground.Lexey Swall for The New York TimesMs. Cianci, who had taken her son to a water park for his birthday, immediately started getting messages from other franchisees. None of it was true, she told them. As she would detail in court documents, the company allowed late payments for nearly all franchisees during the pandemic, and her gym had been closed by local ordinance for longer than most. She had continued to send her royalties in the mail, even after she refused to sign Unleashed’s new payment form, she said, and she was current on all her accounts when she was terminated. And the inappropriate Facebook post? She said she hadn’t written it.The allegations by Ms. Cianci’s former employees that Mr. Polozola referred to in his “friendly reminder” email sprang from messages that were sent by the workers in April 2021, before the Little Gym changed hands. After an investigation, no action was taken. The Unleashed spokesman said the company had relied on Ms. Cianci’s assurance that she would resolve the matter with the Maryland Department of Labor. Ms. Cianci said she made no such assurance.In response to an inquiry from The New York Times, the Department of Labor provided records showing a total of five complaints against Ms. Cianci for unpaid wages since 2017, two of which she resolved by paying her former employees; two were dropped; and one is still pending.But the emails from the former employees, which Unleashed supplied to The Times in unredacted form, detail complaints other than unpaid wages — such as dealing pills and mistreating children — that would seem to merit more immediate action by corporate headquarters, and which Ms. Cianci strongly denies.In late summer of 2021, when one of the former employees contacted Unleashed again, Mr. Polozola told Ms. Cianci to ignore it, according to an email exchange she provided — until he brought the complaints back up to discredit her nearly a year later.Arguing that such tactics seemed far outside the norms of legal practice, in September Ms. Cianci’s team filed a defense of so-called unclean hands, making the case that Unleashed Brands’ conduct had so tainted the proceedings that the judge should rule in their favor.But their motion never went anywhere. Before the judge could rule on it, Unleashed filed to dismiss its own case, arguing that its complaint that Ms. Cianci was essentially operating an unauthorized Little Gym was moot because her landlord had evicted her.The upshot of all this legal wrangling is that the fight between Ms. Cianci and Unleashed continues in arbitration in Arizona. In arbitration, potential damages are more limited, proceedings are sealed, and no precedent is created for other cases.Unleashed is fighting to stop Ms. Cianci from running what it says is a competing gym. Ms. Cianci is fighting for the chance to keep her new business and recoup the hundreds of thousands of dollars she has now spent on lawyers.One of them, Peter Lagarias, began his career at the F.T.C., enforcing the agency’s then-new franchise rule in the late 1970s, and spent most of his career advocating for franchisees both in the courtroom and the California statehouse. He took her case for a low rate, but arbitrators, whose cost must be split by both parties, can run tens of thousands of dollars, too.“They don’t want money,” Ms. Cianci said of Unleashed. “They want to destroy my life.”‘You can’t treat every business the same’Bill Walenda, 55, also got into running Little Gyms as a second career. After years as a financial planner, he wanted to buy a franchise — maybe a McDonald’s or a Dunkin’ Donuts — and his wife suggested The Little Gym, since he loved working with children. He opened a gym in New Jersey in 2002 and bought another in Illinois in 2009.After Ms. Cianci’s franchise was terminated, the Happy Handstands Franchisee Association fractured over strategy. Another group of owners started an association with a different approach: working “collaboratively” with the corporate office to provide feedback on changes. Mr. Walenda was elected president, and he has had limited success.He has been fighting a new point-of-sale system with a credit card processor controlled by Unleashed, which franchisees say is keeping customer payments for more than a week before sending them to gym owners, creating a cash flow crunch for owners. (Unleashed said the system keeps money for only two or three days.)The company also continues to try to make everyone use its new shared call center, which Mr. Walenda said would “take us out of the equation of dealing with our customers” — something that might work for a business like Urban Air, which processes thousands of people a week, but not the familial relationships on which The Little Gym operated for decades.“You can’t treat every business the same,” Mr. Walenda said. “And that’s really what’s causing all of this strife.”In November, Unleashed introduced a revised operations manual that lays out new rules and fees. It specifies the hours the businesses must be open, how quickly they must return customer calls, which architect they must use and what company meetings they must attend. Staff salaries were only supposed to make up 30 percent of revenue. The technology fee can rise to $399 from $119.The national advertising fee can rise to 5 percent of gross sales from 1 percent; part of that will go to a fund that supports other Unleashed properties. New fees appeared, including a $30,000 fee to renew the franchise agreement, and a fee of about $15,000 to relocate the facility. For some owners, the changes seem to mean that they can no longer operate profitably and will have to sell rather than renew.Unleashed said the changes only apply to new franchisees, and Mr. Walenda said his group has been able to negotiate away some of the fees even for them. But other fees remain, including a $100,000 payment if the franchise is terminated, and Mr. Walenda said the company continues to try to force everyone to use its call center and point-of-sale system. As much as he believes in the collaborative approach, he’s willing to litigate to stop the attempts to extract more money.“That’s all private equity cares about, as far as I’m concerned,” Mr. Walenda said. His business is doing well, which he credits to the postpandemic desperation for children’s activities; he said Unleashed’s new systems have mostly just taken more time for his managers to deal with.“We’re not people, we’re not businesses, we’re just numbers to them,” Mr. Walenda said. “And that’s a problem. Because ‘Let’s just keep squeezing everything we can out of them until we can’t squeeze anymore’ — it’s a good way of making money. It’s not a very good way to run a business.”Ms. Cianci says she hopes to prove that it’s possible to resist a franchiser’s efforts to impose its will outside what are supposed to be legally binding agreements.Lexey Swall for The New York TimesAfter a year of owning The Little Gym, Unleashed Brands says that average gym revenue rose 36.8 percent in 2022 over 2019. And its franchisee recruitment has focused on people who want to open multiple units, such as Cody Herndon, whom Unleashed provided as an example of a Little Gym owner with a more positive view of management.An Urban Air operator who sold one of his two parks to another private equity investor, Mr. Herndon bought the rights to open three Little Gyms in Texas last year. He said he was drawn by the opportunity to have longer-term relationships with families and thought the new systems Unleashed was pushing would work out in the end.“There are going to be so many massive benefits to any change that’s been asked,” Mr. Herndon said.While disclosing few other metrics, the company told Axios in May that it expected to generate $160 million in revenue in 2022 and was shopping for a buyer. It appears to have found one.Unleashed’s current private equity investors are selling their stakes in the company imminently, according to a company spokesman. But the company declined to disclose the buyer or the terms of the deal.Whoever the buyer may be, they’ve got significant franchisee rancor on their hands — even beyond the Little Gym.At Mr. Browning’s original chain, Urban Air, a franchisee association representing more than 50 owners tried to bring a lawsuit in 2020 over what it viewed as unfair changes that had revealed the “terms and provisions of the franchise agreements upon which investment decisions were made to be illusory and meaningless.” But a Texas court threw the case out on technical grounds, and with individual arbitration the only path forward, the effort fell apart.In late 2022, Unleashed was also sued by 54 franchisees of its Premier Martial Arts brand who said in legal filings that the franchisor gave them an unrealistic impression of the cost of running a martial arts studio, leaving them with dead-end businesses and debt.Michelle and Peter Silberman of Wexford, Pa., depleted their retirement savings, maxed out their credit cards and took out a home-equity loan to acquire three Premier Martial Arts territories in 2020.Ross Mantle for The New York TimesMichelle and Peter Silberman depleted their retirement savings, maxed out their credit cards and took out a home-equity loan to acquire three Premier Martial Arts territories in March 2020, before Unleashed owned the franchisor. The first opened near their home in the Pittsburgh area in May 2022. Mr. Silberman said Premier Martial Arts told them that they could expect profit margins as high as 48 percent, while running the studios as “semi-absentee” owners who had to run the business as little as 10 hours a week.The couple was charging parents $138 a month, which included two classes a week. The Silbermans, who had no experience with martial arts, said they relied on the company’s assurances that it would help them manage the business.But when attendance began to decline and expenses were piling up — the couple spent $370,000 acquiring the territories and operating the one facility — Mr. Silberman said Premier Martial Arts offered little additional help. Their studio closed this past fall. Although the trouble began long before Unleashed announced that it had bought Premier Martial Arts in early 2022, the lawsuit states that after the acquisition, “the same false statements were still made and the same bogus model was pitched.”In response, the Unleashed spokesman said the company is “not a party to any contract” with a Premier Martial Arts franchisee.As for the Silbermans, they have been trying to pay down their debts.“We are, hopefully, going to avoid bankruptcy by the skin of our teeth,” said Mr. Silberman.New rules for franchisesMs. Cianci’s case is winding its way through arbitration. Her new gym in a suburban mall next to Macy’s has only about 74 members, compared with the 275 she had before her termination by Unleashed. She said her husband, a federal trademark attorney, is working long hours to support them.In the meantime, she’s trying to prevent future franchisees from being put in the situation she found herself in.As the F.T.C. reviews the rules governing franchising, advocates have urged the commission to add stronger protections, such as more disclosure of how the average franchise location performs. The International Franchise Association — whose board Mr. Browning recently joined — has lobbied hard to avert those changes.In Congress, Senator Catherine Cortez Masto, a Democrat from Nevada, has done extensive research on problems with the franchise system and introduced two bills seeking to give franchisees more leverage. But their fate is uncertain.That’s why Ms. Cianci is focused on the states. Specifically Arizona, where The Little Gym headquarters is based. Lawmakers have introduced a bill that would protect franchisees’ right to form associations, require changes to their agreements to be presented in contractual form, and limit the circumstances under which their licenses could be terminated.At the very least, she hopes her case will ultimately prove that it’s possible to resist a franchisor’s efforts to impose its will outside what are supposed to be legally binding agreements, whether it’s how many birthday parties to offer or which insurance company to use.“That’s exactly what went wrong here,” Ms. Cianci said. “He’s buying companies where people had rights.” More

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    Labor Board Proposes to Increase Legal Exposure for Franchised Chains

    Federal labor regulators on Tuesday proposed a rule that would make more companies legally liable for labor law violations committed by their contractors or franchisees.Under the proposal, which governs when a company is considered a so-called joint employer, the National Labor Relations Board could hold a company like McDonald’s liable if one of its franchisees fired workers who tried to unionize, even if the parent company exercised only indirect control over the workers. Indirect control can include requiring the franchisee to use software that locks in certain scheduling practices and setting limits on what the workers can be paid.Under the current approach, adopted in 2020, when the board had a majority of Republican appointees, the parent company could be held liable for such labor law violations only if it exerted direct control over the franchisee’s employees — such as directly determining their schedules and pay.The joint-employer rule also determines whether the parent company must bargain with employees of a contractor or franchisee if those employees unionize.Employees and unions generally prefer to bargain with the parent company and to hold it accountable for labor law violations because the parent typically has more power than the contractor or franchisee to change workplace policies and make concessions.“In an economy where employment relationships are increasingly complex, the board must ensure that its legal rules for deciding which employers should engage in collective bargaining serve the goals of the National Labor Relations Act,” Lauren McFerran, the chairwoman of the board, which has a Democratic majority, said in a statement.The legal threshold for triggering a joint-employer relationship under labor law has changed frequently in recent years, depending on the political composition of the labor board. In 2015, a board led by Democrats changed the standard from “direct and immediate” control to indirect control.As a result of that shift, parent companies could also be considered joint employers of workers hired by a contractor or franchisee if the parent had the right to control certain working conditions — like firing or disciplining workers — even if it didn’t act on that right.Under President Donald J. Trump, the board moved to undo that change. The Republican-led board not only restored the standard of direct and immediate control, it also required that the control exercised by the parent be “substantial,” making it even more difficult to deem a parent company a joint employer.The franchise business model has faced rising pressure. On Monday, Gov. Gavin Newsom of California said he had signed a bill creating a council to regulate labor practices in the fast food industry. The council has the power to raise the minimum wage for the industry in California to $22 an hour next year, compared with a statewide minimum of $15.50, and to issue health and safety standards to protect workers.The fast food industry strongly opposed the measure, arguing that it would raise costs for employers and prices for consumers. More