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    Fed Officials Debated Rate Liftoff in 2015, Offering Lessons for Today

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    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Jobs CrisisCurrent Unemployment RateThe First Six MonthsPermanent LayoffsWhen a $600 Lifeline EndedAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyFed Officials Debated Rate Liftoff in 2015, Offering Lessons for TodayThe Federal Reserve raised rates from near zero in 2015. The discussion back then — and developments since — will inform their future policy.The Federal Reserve Board building in Washington. The central bank raised rates in 2015 as the unemployment rate dropped.Credit…Ting Shen for The New York TimesJan. 8, 2021Updated 2:24 p.m. ETThe Federal Reserve lifted interest rates from near zero in 2015 after years of holding them at rock bottom following the 2008 global financial crisis. Transcripts from their policy discussions, released Friday, show just how fraught that decision was.The debate that played out then is especially relevant now, when the central bank has again slashed interest rates practically to zero, this time to fight the pandemic-induced economic downturn. The concerns that officials voiced over lifting rates in 2015 — that inflation would not pick up, and that the labor market had further to heal — proved prescient in ways that will inform policy setting in the years to come.The Fed, under Chair Janet L. Yellen, raised its policy rate in 2015 as the unemployment rate dropped. Officials worried that if they waited too long to nudge borrowing costs higher, they would stoke an economic overheating that would push inflation higher and prove hard to contain.The logic, at the time, was that monetary policy works with “long and variable” lags, and that it was better to start to gently normalize policy before rapid price gains actually showed up.But even back then, not everyone on the Fed’s rate-setting Federal Open Market Committee was comfortable with the plan. When the decision to lift interest rates came in December, Governor Lael Brainard seemed to question it — arguing that the labor market still had room to expand and that inflation was coming in short of the committee’s 2 percent goal. She ultimately voted for the decision alongside Ms. Yellen and her fellow policymakers.“The recent price data give little hint that this undershooting of our target will end any time soon,” Ms. Brainard said of inflation at the time, according to the transcript. That, paired with risks from a slowdown overseas, made her place “somewhat greater weight on the possible regret associated with tightening too early than on the possible regret associated with waiting a little longer.”In explaining that she would vote for the increase anyway, Ms. Brainard said she placed “a very high premium on ensuring the credibility of monetary policy” and appreciated the thoughtful process Ms. Yellen and the staff had undergone in planning to change the policy. She suggested in 2019 that moving rates up in 2015 was a mistake, and that “a better alternative would have been to delay liftoff until we had achieved our targets.”Stanley Fischer, the vice chairman at the time, laid out a concise explanation of why the committee was moving.“Why move now?” he said. “First, as the chair has emphasized, our actions become effective with a lag. Second, there are some signs of accumulating financial stability problems. And, third, the signal we will be sending will reinforce the fact that our economic situation is continuing to normalize.”Jerome H. Powell, then a Fed governor and now the chair, said at the time that remaining room for labor market gains was “probably modest” but highly uncertain, and that the participation rate — which measures people working or looking for work — might rebound.“I’m not in any hurry to conclude that the current low level of participation reflects immutable structural factors,” Mr. Powell said. “I think it’s likely to be necessary for the economy to run above trend for some time to ensure that inflation does reach our 2 percent target.”The more reluctant stances aged comparatively well. In the time since then, many economists and analysts have viewed the Fed’s pre-emptive rate increases as possibly premature. The unemployment rate continued to drop for years, but as more workers entered the job market, wages increased only moderately. Price gains remained stable, and actually a bit softer than Fed officials were hoping.As a result, the Fed has reassessed how it sets monetary policy. Mr. Powell said last year that he and his colleagues would now focus on “shortfalls” from full employment — worrying only if the job market is coming in weak, not if it’s coming in strong, as long as inflation is contained.They no longer plan to raise interest rates to fend off inflation before it shows up, officials have said, paving the way for longer periods of lower rates.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    The Year the Fed Changed Forever

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    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Coronavirus OutbreakliveLatest UpdatesMaps and CasesThe Stimulus DealThe Latest Vaccine InformationF.A.Q.Jerome H. Powell, the Federal Reserve chair, has faced some of the most trying months in the central bank’s history.Credit…Nate Palmer for The New York TimesSkip to contentSkip to site indexThe Year the Fed Changed ForeverJerome H. Powell’s central bank slashed rates, bought bonds in huge sums and rolled out never-before-tried loan programs that shifted its identity. The backlash is already beginning.Jerome H. Powell, the Federal Reserve chair, has faced some of the most trying months in the central bank’s history.Credit…Nate Palmer for The New York TimesSupported byContinue reading the main storyDec. 23, 2020Updated 4:04 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — As Jerome H. Powell, the Federal Reserve chair, rang in 2020 in Florida, where he was celebrating his son’s wedding, his work life seemed to be entering a period of relative calm. President Trump’s public attacks on the central bank had eased up after 18 months of steady criticism, and the trade war with China seemed to be cooling, brightening the outlook for markets and the economy.Yet the earliest signs of a new — and far more dangerous — crisis were surfacing some 8,000 miles away. The novel coronavirus had been detected in Wuhan, China. Mr. Powell and his colleagues were about to face some of the most trying months in Fed history.By mid-March, as markets were crashing, the Fed had cut interest rates to near zero to protect the economy. By March 23, to avert a full-blown financial crisis, the Fed had rolled out nearly its entire 2008 menu of emergency loan programs, while teaming up with the Treasury Department to announce programs that had never been tried — including plans to support lending to small and medium-size businesses and buy corporate debt. In early April, it tacked on a plan to get credit flowing to states.“We crossed a lot of red lines that had not been crossed before,” Mr. Powell said at an event in May.The Fed’s job in normal times is to help the economy operate at an even keel — to keep prices stable and jobs plentiful. Its sweeping pandemic response pushed its powers into new territory. The central bank restored calm to markets and helped keep credit available to consumers and businesses. It also led Republicans to try to limit the vast tool set of the politically independent and unelected institution. The Fed’s emergency loan programs became a sticking point in the negotiations over the government spending package Congress approved this week.But even amid the backlash, the Fed’s work in salvaging a pandemic-stricken economy remains unfinished, with millions of people out of jobs and businesses suffering.The Fed is likely to keep rates at rock bottom for years, guided by a new approach to setting monetary policy adopted this summer that aims for slightly higher inflation and tests how low unemployment can fall.And the Fed’s extraordinary actions in 2020 weren’t aimed only at keeping credit flowing. Mr. Powell and other top Fed officials pushed for more government spending to help businesses and households, an uncharacteristically bold stance for an institution that tries mightily to avoid politics. As the Fed took a more expansive view of its mission, it weighed in on climate change, racial equity and other issues its leaders had typically avoided.“We’ve often relegated racial equity, inequality, climate change to simply social issues,” Mary C. Daly, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, said in an interview. “That’s a mistake. They are economic issues.”In Washington, reactions to the Fed’s bigger role have been swift and divided. Democrats want the Fed to do more, portraying the attention to climate-related financial risks as a welcome step but just a beginning. They have also pushed the Fed to use its emergency lending powers to funnel cheap credit to state and local governments and small businesses.The Fed’s sweeping pandemic response pushed its powers into new territory.Credit…Ting Shen for The New York TimesRepublicans have worked to restrict the Fed to ensure that the role it has played in this pandemic does not outlast the crisis.Patrick J. Toomey, a Republican senator from Pennsylvania, spearheaded the effort to insert language into the relief package that could have forced future Fed emergency lending programs to stick to soothing Wall Street instead of trying to also directly support Main Street, as the Fed has done in the current downturn.Republicans worry that the Fed could use its power to support partisan goals — by invoking its regulatory power over banks, for instance, to treat oil and gas companies as financial risks, or by propping up financially troubled municipal governments.“Fiscal and social policy is the rightful realm of the people who are accountable to the American people, and that’s us, that’s Congress,” Mr. Toomey, who could be the next banking committee chairman and thus one of Mr. Powell’s most important overseers, said last week from the Senate floor.Mr. Toomey’s proposal was watered down during congressional negotiations, clearing the way for a broader relief deal: Congress barred the central bank from re-establishing the exact facilities used in 2020, but it did not cut off its power to help states and companies in the future.The Coronavirus Outbreak More

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    Lawmakers Resolve Fed Dispute as They Race to Close Stimulus Deal

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    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Coronavirus OutbreakliveLatest UpdatesMaps and CasesThe Latest Vaccine InformationU.S. Deaths Surpass 300,000F.A.Q.AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyLawmakers Resolve Fed Dispute as They Race to Close Stimulus DealTop senators appeared to strike an agreement on the central bank’s lending powers as they struggled to clear away the last sticking points in the $900 billion compromise plan.Senator Pat Toomey, Republican of Pennsylvania, at the Capitol on Saturday. His proposal on the Federal Reserve is the primary issue remaining in efforts to finalize a $900 billion stimulus deal.Credit…Stefani Reynolds for The New York TimesEmily Cochrane and Published More

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    Congress Grasps for Stimulus Deal as Fed Dispute Poses Final Hurdle

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    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Coronavirus OutbreakliveLatest UpdatesMaps and CasesThe Latest Vaccine InformationU.S. Deaths Surpass 300,000F.A.Q.AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyCongress Grasps for Stimulus Deal as Fed Dispute Poses Final HurdleLeaders struggled to clear away the last sticking points in the $900 billion compromise plan, including a stubborn disagreement over the central bank’s lending powers.Senator Pat Toomey, Republican of Pennsylvania, at the Capitol on Saturday. His proposal on the Federal Reserve is the primary issue remaining in efforts to finalize a $900 billion stimulus deal.Credit…Stefani Reynolds for The New York TimesEmily Cochrane and Dec. 19, 2020, 7:32 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — Congressional leaders worked feverishly on Saturday to resolve an impasse over a Republican push to curtail the powers of the Federal Reserve that was threatening to derail a compromise $900 billion stimulus plan, racing against a Sunday-night deadline to avoid a government shutdown.After a monthslong impasse on a pandemic aid package, Democrats and Republicans were tantalizingly close to completing the emergency plan to rush direct payments, unemployment benefits and food and rental assistance to millions of Americans, relief to businesses, and provide funds for vaccine distribution.But with time running out for a deal, they remained divided over a proposal by Senator Patrick J. Toomey, Republican of Pennsylvania, to ensure the termination of a series of pandemic relief programs created this year by the Fed and potentially curtail the central bank’s ability to fight financial crises in the future.“We’re right within reach,” Speaker Nancy Pelosi privately told House Democrats in a party conference call on Saturday. But she said Mr. Toomey’s late-stage demands to rein in the Fed were slowing the process.By Saturday evening, Senator Richard J. Durbin of Illinois, the second-ranking Democrat, said the dispute had cost negotiators another day in their efforts to cement a deal.“It won’t be tonight,” Mr. Durbin said. “It really is up to Mr. Toomey at this point, what he will accept.”Everything else, he said, is “pretty close.”The emerging deal would send direct payments of $600 to many Americans and provide enhanced federal jobless payments of $300-per-week until early spring. It would also provide hundreds of billions of dollars to prop up small businesses, schools and other institutions struggling amid the pandemic.But Democrats said that Mr. Toomey’s proposal, which has been embraced by Republicans, amounted to an attempt to undercut President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. and his administration’s ability to continue supporting the country’s economic recovery.As drafted, it would prevent the Fed and the Treasury Department from re-establishing programs that have helped to keep credit flowing to municipal borrowers, medium-sized businesses and corporations during the pandemic recession. It would also bar the creation of “similar” programs going forward.Lawmakers and aides in both parties acknowledged that the Fed provision presented the most significant hurdle to a final agreement, even though negotiators were still haggling over a number of outstanding technical details, including how to provide for food assistance and the scope of unemployment benefits.Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic minority leader, criticized the Toomey proposal.Credit…Stefani Reynolds for The New York TimesSenator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and the minority leader, said on the Senate floor that Mr. Toomey’s language was the “number one outstanding issue.”With government funding set to lapse Sunday and both chambers hoping to merge the stimulus package with a catchall measure to cover all federal spending for the remainder of the fiscal year, time was dwindling to find a resolution.The Coronavirus Outbreak More

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    Fed Closes Out Wild Year as All Eyes Focus on Bond-Buying Program

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    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyFed Closes Out Wild Year as All Eyes Focus on Bond-Buying ProgramThe central bank’s meeting will wrap up Wednesday, as the Fed stares down a bifurcated economic outlook.Jerome H. Powell, the Federal Reserve chair, will likely need to walk a narrow line as he tries to explain how the Fed will proceed.Credit…Al Drago for The New York TimesDec. 16, 2020, 5:00 a.m. ETWASHINGTON — The Federal Reserve is wrapping up what might be the most activist year in its history with a final scheduled policy meeting this week, one at which it is expected to leave interest rates at rock bottom and to signal continued willingness to help the economy through the challenging pandemic era.Any policy changes out of this week’s gathering are expected to concentrate on the Fed’s large-scale bond-buying program, which it began in March. For a time, it pledged to buy as much government-backed debt as needed to help keep markets functioning before it settled into a steady pace of purchases. But the fate of that program is just one of several momentous questions that lie ahead.In the coming months, the policy-setting Federal Open Market Committee — a mix of governors in Washington and regional Fed presidents — will have to decide whether to ramp up or dial back bond purchases from the current pace of $120 billion per month, what specifically to buy, and how to communicate when they will stop.Fed governors, who oversee bank regulation, will have to consider in 2021 whether to extend tweaks put in place because of the pandemic. And Jerome H. Powell, the Fed chair, and his new, Democratic counterpart at the Treasury Department will have to decide whether to restart emergency loan programs that outgoing Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin is ending on his way out the door. Democrats have urged their renewal, and Republicans have warned against it.All of those decisions will be set against a fragmented economic backdrop: The recovery is sputtering in the near-term as the coronavirus spreads and keeps holiday travelers and shoppers at home, but the economy is expected to rebound sharply as a vaccine becomes widely available. The Fed’s monetary policies work with a lag, and the stark divide across time will make calibrating next steps all the more challenging.Mr. Powell will give his assessment of the economic outlook and answer reporter questions at a news conference following the 2 p.m. release of the Fed’s December policy statement. Officials will also release their quarterly economic estimates, which will offer a sense of what path they expect the unemployment rate, inflation and interest rates to follow over the coming years.Mr. Powell will likely need to walk a narrow line as he tries to explain how the Fed will proceed. Many investors are looking for more economic help in the near-term, and anything perceived as complacency could rattle them. Yet his colleagues, in recent speeches, have been divided over how much more the Fed needs to do now, which could make it difficult for the chair — who speaks, in part, as a representative for the Federal Open Market Committee — to present a conclusive message.The Fed has enacted a sweeping series of responses to cushion American workers and businesses against the pandemic’s economic fallout. It slashed interest rates to near-zero in March, rolled out its bond-buying campaign to soothe troubled markets, and unveiled a spate of programs to keep credit flowing to states and cities, small and medium-sized businesses and corporations.Those measures have largely achieved their goals. The central bank averted a financial system meltdown, borrowing costs have held at low levels across many credit markets, and interest rate-sensitive sectors like housing roared back after lockdowns. Yet the next stage could be harder: Millions of people remain out of work nine months into the crisis, many businesses are teetering on the brink, and while a vaccine is in sight, widespread immunity might still be months away.The Fed is also low on new tricks, but not entirely out of them. Officials could, as early as this week’s meeting, change the way they are buying bonds in order to have more of an economic impact.Policymakers are mulling whether to shift toward longer-term debt and away from short-term notes. That wonky maneuver may seem technical, but it could have the effect of holding down borrowing costs on things like mortgages and business loans and, in doing so, set the stage for stronger growth.“The economy is far more sensitive to longer-term rates,” said Priya Misra, global head of rates strategy at TD Securities. She pointed out that without Fed action, longer-term rates will rise as a deluge of Treasury securities enter the market to fund the government’s pandemic spending.But it is not a slam-dunk that such a change will happen at this meeting. Regional Fed presidents have expressed lukewarm appetite for changing the so-called quantitative easing, or Q.E., programs now.“If we need to offer more support or we need to prop up the support that we’ve offered, we can use Q.E. for that, including changing the duration,” Mary C. Daly, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, said in a recent question-and-answer session. “But if you look at financial markets right now, I see no indication that they are misunderstanding where we’re headed and that we need to somehow do something different to get financial markets where we need them to be.”Business & EconomyLatest UpdatesUpdated Dec. 16, 2020, 6:52 a.m. ETStocks are rising as pandemic relief talks and vaccine developments advance.Advocacy groups are rushing to get aid to renters before a federal cutoff date.Companies crucial to vaccine distribution are seeing a flurry of investments.Conditions are evolving quickly. Since the Fed entered its premeeting quiet period, during which officials do not give speeches, virus cases have continued to climb, several real-time data points have pointed to economic weakening, and rates on the closely-watched 10-year Treasury bond have crept higher, making many types of credit a bit more expensive. At the same time, vaccines have been approved and early disbursement has begun.Even if the Fed leaves the contours of its bond-purchase program unchanged for now, economists think the central bank might update the way it talks about its plans for the future. The central bank has indicated that it might offer guidance on how long it plans to buy assets to keep markets performing smoothly and bolster the economy “fairly soon.” That is likely to entail tying its bond-buying plans to qualitative — rather than numbers-based — economic goals.J.P. Morgan analysts think officials might link the buying to the course of the virus by saying that they will “continue purchases for as long as the public health crisis weighs on economic activity,” Michael Feroli, the bank’s chief U.S. economist, wrote in a research note.Economists at Goldman Sachs expect the Fed to pledge that purchases will continue “until the labor market is on track to reach maximum employment and inflation is on track to reach 2 percent.”That wide gap in expectations, even among top Fed-watching firms, underlines why this could be a fraught meeting for Mr. Powell. Disappointing investor expectations could roil markets, but it is not entirely clear what market participants expect.The Fed’s November meeting minutes also raised the possibility that the Fed might take a look at the types of bonds it is buying. The Fed is currently buying about $80 billion worth of Treasury debt and $40 billion in mortgage-backed securities — or M.B.S. — per month. But the minutes show that a few officials worried that “maintaining the current pace of agency M.B.S. purchases could contribute to potential valuation pressures in housing markets.”Whatever tweaks do come are likely to cut in the direction of more overall support for the economy. There are still about 10 million fewer jobs than in February, real-time indicators of consumer spending are coming in soft as virus cases surge, and jobless claims are rocketing higher once again, dimming the near-term outlook.“As economic momentum slows and Covid cases surge, we look for monetary policymakers to fortify the bridge that supports the economy until vaccinations become widely available,” Kathy Bostjancic, chief U.S. financial economist at Oxford Economics, wrote in a note previewing the meeting.The Fed will release a new set of quarterly economic projections at this meeting, and they are expected to reflect a more dire outlook in the near-term but also a stronger bounceback later on. But even with the vaccines coming, wild cards remain — including how much congressional support the economy will get in the near-term.Lawmakers are trying to hash out a compromise deal that would send households money and offer companies support, but Democrats and Republicans have remained divided over issues including liability protection and aid for state and local governments.The lack of a deal so far is one reason that Goldman Sachs economists expect the shift toward buying longer-dated debt at this meeting.“Although no one is under any illusions that a maturity extension is an adequate substitute for a fiscal package in offsetting the impact of the virus resurgence on businesses and workers, it might do some good,” they wrote in a research note. “At the very least, Fed officials might be weary of disappointing market expectations for an easing action in difficult times.”AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Fed Joins Climate Network, to Applause From the Left

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    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyFed Joins Climate Network, to Applause From the LeftThe central bank joined a network of global financial regulators focused on climate risk. The response to the move underlined its tricky politics.“The public will expect that we do figure out what are the implications of climate change for financial stability, and that we do put policies in place,” Jerome H. Powell, the Fed chair, said this month at a Senate hearing.Credit…Al Drago for The New York TimesDec. 15, 2020, 4:34 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — The Federal Reserve is joining a network of central banks and other financial regulators focused on conducting research and shaping policies to help prepare the financial system for the effects of climate change.The Fed’s board in Washington voted unanimously to become a member of the Network of Central Banks and Supervisors for Greening the Financial System, it said in a statement on Tuesday. The central bank began participating in the group more than a year ago, but its formal membership is something that Democratic lawmakers have been pushing for and that Republicans have eyed warily.The Fed’s halting approach to joining underlines how politically fraught climate-related issues remain in the United States.The network exists to help central banks and other regulators exchange ideas, research and best practices as they figure out how to account for environment and climate risk in the financial sector. While the Fed had participated informally, its decision to join as a member is the latest sign of its recognition that the central bank must begin to take extreme weather events into account as they occur with increasing frequency and pose a growing risk to the financial system — whether doing so is politically palatable or not.“The public will expect that we do figure out what are the implications of climate change for financial stability, and that we do put policies in place,” Jerome H. Powell, the Fed chair, said this month at a Senate hearing. “The broad response to climate change on the part of society really needs to be set by elected representatives — that’s you. We see implications of climate change for the job that you’ve given us, and that’s what we’re working on.”Still, the latest move could incite a backlash. The announcement comes shortly after Republican House members urged Mr. Powell and the vice chair for supervision, Randal K. Quarles, in a letter on Dec. 9 not to join the network “without first making public commitments” to accept only policies that would not put the United States at a disadvantage or have “harmful impacts” on American bank customers.Republicans have been particularly concerned that increased attention to climate risk by financial regulators could imperil credit access for fossil fuel and other energy companies. For instance, banks might be less likely to extend credit to those industries if regulators viewed such loans as risky and made them harder to provide.Mr. Powell had recently emphasized that the Fed was likely at some point to join the network alongside its peers, including the Bank of England and Bank of Japan, and the central bank first indicated last month that it would soon be joining the group. Mr. Quarles said during congressional testimony that the Fed was in the process of requesting membership and expected that it would be granted, in response to questions from Senator Brian Schatz, Democrat of Hawaii.“Now that they have joined this international effort, I will expect them to take further concrete steps towards managing climate risks,” Mr. Schatz said in a statement in response the announcement on Tuesday. “That includes setting clear supervisory expectations for how banks should manage their climate risk exposure, and using tools like stress testing to hold them accountable.”The Fed did not comment on why it decided to join now and — despite several requests since Mr. Quarles’s statement — would not say when the central bank had applied to join. Joining the network requires a formal email request from a central bank’s leader or head of supervision.The move is the latest step in an evolution in which the Fed, which once rarely spoke publicly about the issue, has paid more public attention to climate change.Business & EconomyLatest UpdatesUpdated Dec. 15, 2020, 4:17 p.m. ETEuropean Central Bank will lift ban on bank dividends, a sign of cautious optimism.Top congressional leaders met to discuss a stimulus deal and a year-end spending bill before the deadline on Friday.European truck makers say they will phase out fossil fuel vehicles by 2040.The Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, led by Mary C. Daly, held the system’s first conference on climate last year. Lael Brainard, a Fed governor and the lone Democrat on the central bank’s board in Washington, spoke there, and she has delivered other remarks on the topic. For the first time, the Fed’s financial stability report this year included an in-depth section on financial risks posed by climate change.Even so, the Fed has been more reticent than many of its peers when it comes to embracing a role in working to alleviate climate change and manage its fallout. The Bank of England has unveiled its plans to run banks through climate stress tests — which will test how their balance sheets will fare amid extreme weather events — though they have been postponed by the coronavirus pandemic. The president of the European Central Bank, Christine Lagarde, has indicated that her central bank is considering whether it should take climate into account when buying corporate debt.Climate change is a partisan topic in the United States, so more aggressive action to combat it could open up the Fed — which prizes its independence — to political attack. The Trump administration denied or questioned the science behind climate change, and though the incoming administration of Joseph R. Biden Jr. is poised to make it a top issue, many Republican lawmakers stand ready to police the Fed’s embrace of climate-related policy.“I’m going to be raising this issue much more vociferously — I think my colleagues will as well,” Representative Andy Barr, Republican of Kentucky and the lead signatory on the Dec. 9 letter, said in an interview on Monday. Mr. Barr said he was concerned that the Fed might move toward carrying out climate stress tests or put in place other policies that would make it harder for oil and coal companies to gain access to credit.Democrats will struggle to get policies like the so-called Green New Deal through Congress, he said, and he worries they will try to carry out their policy objectives through the “backdoor” of financial regulation. Mr. Barr said both Mr. Quarles’s statement that the Fed would be joining the Network of Central Banks and Supervisors for Greening the Financial System and Mr. Powell’s recent comments caught his attention.“The enormous power of the Fed should not be weaponized to discriminate against a wide swath of American industry,” he said.But in a demonstration of the competing pressures on the central bank, groups that applauded the Fed’s announcement on Tuesday painted joining the network as merely a first step.“Given that it is responsible for the safety and security of the world’s largest economy, we hope that it will not only catch up with central banks around the world, but, in time, lead the way in addressing systemic financial risk,” Steven M. Rothstein, the managing director of the Ceres Accelerator for Sustainable Capital Markets, said in a statement. The group works with investors and has been pushing for the Fed to join the network, including in a report and letter this year.“Our economy deserves no less,” Mr. Rothstein said.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More